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Course description. This course is an introduction to prosodic labeling of English using the ToBI (Tones and Break Indices) framework, an intonation transcription system widely used in both speech technology and linguistics research.We will introduce the key components of a ToBI transcription, discussing the theoretical underpinnings of such an analysis, describing previous experimental research in support of the various phonological events, and providing tips on how to identify these events9451
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1. Introduction to Prosodic Labeling Presession course LSA.107P Jennifer J. Venditti
San Jose State University
www1.cs.columbia.edu/~jjv
LSA Linguistic Institute @ Stanford University
1-3 July 2007
3. Proposed agenda
4. This tutorial is based on The original Guidelines for ToBI Labelling [Beckman & Ayers93]
http://www.ling.ohio-state.edu/~tobi/ame_tobi/
Known problems:
Contact me if you have trouble getting the utterances.
Some portions are out-dated (e.g. procedure for obtaining files & some examples of segmental perturbation effects).
Some tones in TextGrids are missing (e.g. those at same timepoint as HiF0 labels)
The new ToBI tutorial (MIT online course)
[Brugos, Shattuck-Hufnagel & Veilleux06]
http://anita.simmons.edu/~tobi/
Utterances kindly provided by Julie McGory.
Tutorials given by Jennifer Venditti at CUNY Graduate Center, Rutgers Univ, and Univ of Pennsylvania.
5. The need for prosodic labeling Why label prosody?
Ensure consistency of experimental stimuli
Database annotation
Decent-sounding speech synthesis
Interface research: sociolinguistics, syntax, semantics, pragmatics, discourse structure, phonetics, etc.
so many more
Labeling must be:
Independent (i.e. not biased by research hypotheses)
Reliable (i.e. good inter-/intra-transcriber agreement) for psycholinguists, corpus linguists, computational linguists, and every other linguist!
for psycholinguists, corpus linguists, computational linguists, and every other linguist!
6. WHAT IS TOBI? In this class we will learn about ToBI as a system of prosodic labeling.
There are other systems too!In this class we will learn about ToBI as a system of prosodic labeling.
There are other systems too!
7. Origins of ToBI Tones and Break Indices
TONES: phonological analysis of an utterances intonation pattern la Pierrehumbert80 and Beckman & Pierrehumbert86, combined with some Ladd83
BREAK INDICES: mark the prosodic grouping of words la Price et al.91
ToBI workshops:
1991: MIT (Victor Zue)
1992: NYNEX (Kim Silverman)
1993: Ohio State Univ (Mary Beckman)
1994: Boston Univ (Mari Ostendorf)
2004: Simmons College (Nanette Veilleux, Stefanie Shattuck- Hufnagel)
ONE method of prosodic transcription -- most popular currently for linguistic and computational linguistics research.
ANNOUNCE: copies of papers on reserve.
workshops involved many theoretical perspectives -- ToBI is a merging of traditions, a compromise.ONE method of prosodic transcription -- most popular currently for linguistic and computational linguistics research.
ANNOUNCE: copies of papers on reserve.
workshops involved many theoretical perspectives -- ToBI is a merging of traditions, a compromise.
8. A quick overview of English ToBI
Beckman, M.E. & J. Hirschberg. 1993. The ToBI annotation conventions. Unpublished manuscript.
http://www.ling.ohio-state.edu/~tobi/ame_tobi/annotation_conventions.html
Beckman, M.E., J. Hirschberg & S. Shattuck-Hufnagel. 2005. The original ToBI system and the evolution of the ToBI framework. In Sun-Ah Jun (ed.) Prosodic Typology: The Phonology of Intonation and Phrasing. Oxford Univ Press.
9. Parts of a ToBI transcription to PLAY SOUND: Click on pitch track. The soundfile is <lazy>, contained in the UTTS/ directory.
1. speech waveform
2. f0 contour (aka. pitch track)
3. tiers containing symbolic labels for prosodic events
a. TONES: phonol analysis of utterances inton pattern
H and L tones with diacritics to indicate function as pitch acc or phrase/boundary tones
b. BREAKS: mark the prosodic grouping of words
subjective strength of assoc with next word on scale from 0 (strongly conjoined) to 4 (most disjoint)
4. orthographic tier (aka. words)
5. miscellaneous (caugh, laugh, disfl) -- WE WILL NOT DISCUSS
6. recently introduced ALT tier: to log alternative analyses in cases of labeler uncertainty
7. any optional cite-specific tiers
NOTE: This display is Praat -- others are available (ToBI not tied to specific software)
to PLAY SOUND: Click on pitch track. The soundfile is <lazy>, contained in the UTTS/ directory.
1. speech waveform
2. f0 contour (aka. pitch track)
3. tiers containing symbolic labels for prosodic events
a. TONES: phonol analysis of utterances inton pattern
H and L tones with diacritics to indicate function as pitch acc or phrase/boundary tones
b. BREAKS: mark the prosodic grouping of words
subjective strength of assoc with next word on scale from 0 (strongly conjoined) to 4 (most disjoint)
4. orthographic tier (aka. words)
5. miscellaneous (caugh, laugh, disfl) -- WE WILL NOT DISCUSS
6. recently introduced ALT tier: to log alternative analyses in cases of labeler uncertainty
7. any optional cite-specific tiers
NOTE: This display is Praat -- others are available (ToBI not tied to specific software)
10. What does ToBI transcribe? Theres no way that ToBI (or any other scheme) can transcribe all aspects of prosody!
Categorically distinct intonation patterns and prosodic units
e.g. L+H* vs. L*+H, L% vs. H%, etc.
prosodic structure (prominences & grouping)
intonation pattern (tune)
Does not transcribe aspects of prosody which are amenable to continuous-valued quantitative measures
e.g. quantitative differences in F0 slope, extent of pitch range, speech rate, etc.
Does not transcribe aspects predictable from other parts of the transcription or from other tools
e.g. specification of lexical stress that can be found in a dictionary, etc.
11. Phonetic realization of phonological categories Any phonological model of intonation is not complete without an accompanying description of phonetic realization a means to map contrastive events onto the phonetic space:
in time (duration, phonetic alignment)
in frequency (tone scaling)
We wont talk much about phonetic realization! Sorry!
For more info: Pierrehumbert 80, Pierrehumbert 81, Liberman & Pierrehumbert 84, Beckman & Pierrehumbert 86, Pierrehumbert & Beckman 88, etc. just L (low) tells us little about what the F0 is like.just L (low) tells us little about what the F0 is like.
12. FAQ #1 Q: Is ToBI like an IPA for tones?
A: No!!
A ToBI transcription is tied to a phonological analysis of the contrastive levels of prosodic grouping and distinctive events in the intonation contour. Therefore:
Different languages will have different systems.
Different dialects of a given language may even have different systems!
you cant map the same set of symbols from one language to the next.
you cant map the same set of symbols from one language to the next.
13. FAQ #2 Q: Are there ToBI schemes for different languages?
A: Yes!!
Each language is described by a unique ToBI system which includes its own inventory of tones, levels of prosodic grouping, phonetic realization rules, etc.
For more info, see Jun05 and ToBI homepage: http://www.ling.ohio-state.edu/~tobi/
14. FAQ #3 Q: Which dialects does English ToBI cover?
A: Mainstream American English
(E_ToBI, aka. MAE_ToBI or AmE_ToBI)
May also cover: Southern British RP English, Australian English (and possibly others).
Does NOT cover Glaswegian English.
[See Ladd96 for great description of English intonation and intonational meaning/function.]
15. PITCH TRACKING & SEGMENTAL PERTURBATIONS
16. Vocal fold vibration
17. Graphic representation of F0 to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track. Soundfile is <legumes1> in UTTS/ directory.
The key word here is REPRESENTATION -- and the representation can be imperfect at times.
This is the computer algorithms best guess at how fast the vocal folds are vibrating.
If you change the ALGORITHM, or change the PARAMETERS that the algorithm assumes, this pitch track may look different.
to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track. Soundfile is <legumes1> in UTTS/ directory.
The key word here is REPRESENTATION -- and the representation can be imperfect at times.
This is the computer algorithms best guess at how fast the vocal folds are vibrating.
If you change the ALGORITHM, or change the PARAMETERS that the algorithm assumes, this pitch track may look different.
18. Effect of voiceless consonants to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track. Soundfile is <legumes1> in UTTS/ directory.
Every pitch display program has reliability threshold -- it does not even display points that it deems unreliable.to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track. Soundfile is <legumes1> in UTTS/ directory.
Every pitch display program has reliability threshold -- it does not even display points that it deems unreliable.
19. Effect of voiced obstruents to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track. Soundfile is <legumes1> in UTTS/ directory.
to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track. Soundfile is <legumes1> in UTTS/ directory.
20. Abstraction of the F0 contour to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track. Soundfile is <legumes1> in UTTS/ directory.
to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track. Soundfile is <legumes1> in UTTS/ directory.
21. LOAD <flap2jjv>
practice changing pitch range
practice playing sound excerpts
practice zooming
look @ F0 perturbations to PLAY SOUND: load file into Praat and play from Praat.
Try range: 100-200 -- something is obviously wrong with the pitch track!
Ideal range for this utterance is 75-350.
voiceless cons, transition out of [p] in pink, nasal lowers F0, flap effect
creaky voice (track rises, pitch doesnt)
where would you measure F0 for the if you needed to?
to PLAY SOUND: load file into Praat and play from Praat.
Try range: 100-200 -- something is obviously wrong with the pitch track!
Ideal range for this utterance is 75-350.
voiceless cons, transition out of [p] in pink, nasal lowers F0, flap effect
creaky voice (track rises, pitch doesnt)
where would you measure F0 for the if you needed to?
22. Non-tonal influences on F0 A pitch track is a PREDICTION based on an algorithm.
Pitch tracking algorithms can fail!
Breathy/creaky regions are notoriously difficult!
Parameters assumed by the algorithm are crucial.
Segmental effects (see also: van Santen & Hirschberg94)
voiceless consonants, voiced obstruents, flaps, even nasals
intrinsic vowel height differences (eg. [i] > [a])
The ultimate judge is your ear!! What pitch do you hear?!
The most reliable F0 points are near the vowel midpoint (away from consonantal effects).
Use sonorants in your experimental materials!
23. PITCH ACCENT
24. Stress vs. accent Stress is a structural property specified at the lexical level it marks a potential location where an accent can occur, IF there is one.
Accent is a property of a word in context it is a way to mark intonational prominence in order to highlight important words in the discourse. FAQ #5: Which words are stressed in this sentence? -- you mean ACCENTED!
not a perfect dichotomy though -- one rides on top of the other, in English.
primary lexical stress is NOT REALLY a separate level in and of itself -- its more like a LOCATION that pitch accents will associate to, not a level of prominence.
IF Philadelphia (2 feet), then only [del] would have primary lexical stress, and [fil] would have secondary lexical stress.
Which sylls get a pitch acc? Only full vowels can be assoc with acc -- specifically, the location of primary stress is the docking site for acc.
EXAMPLE: say it as L* H* L-L% -- point out accents on Lenora and Lucent (prom sylls in utterance)
Nuclear accent -- most listeners perceive the last accent in the phrase to be more prominent. This is called the nuclear accent (aka. sentence stress in the old days -- Ahh!)
any vowel can be promoted to acc, but it needs to go thru the steps: reduced-> full->acc, secondary lexical stress-> accFAQ #5: Which words are stressed in this sentence? -- you mean ACCENTED!
not a perfect dichotomy though -- one rides on top of the other, in English.
primary lexical stress is NOT REALLY a separate level in and of itself -- its more like a LOCATION that pitch accents will associate to, not a level of prominence.
IF Philadelphia (2 feet), then only [del] would have primary lexical stress, and [fil] would have secondary lexical stress.
Which sylls get a pitch acc? Only full vowels can be assoc with acc -- specifically, the location of primary stress is the docking site for acc.
EXAMPLE: say it as L* H* L-L% -- point out accents on Lenora and Lucent (prom sylls in utterance)
Nuclear accent -- most listeners perceive the last accent in the phrase to be more prominent. This is called the nuclear accent (aka. sentence stress in the old days -- Ahh!)
any vowel can be promoted to acc, but it needs to go thru the steps: reduced-> full->acc, secondary lexical stress-> acc
25. Levels of prominence There are many levels of prosodic prominence in English:
syllable nuclei (i.e. vowels) contrasting with flanking consonants
rhythmic alternations of strong/weak syllables that make up feet
primary vs. secondary lexical stress
pitch accents marking discourse prominence
nuclear accent placement
Some types of prosodic prominence are structural, some are discourse-related.
See also Beckman96 The parsing of prosody for an overview of prosodic structure and levels of prominence.
26. Which words receive an accent? Bolinger (1972a): Accent is predictable
27. Spotting pitch accents to PLAY SOUND: click on underlined word in angled brackets.
WHAT TO LISTEN FOR: prominent words that stand out from others.to PLAY SOUND: click on underlined word in angled brackets.
WHAT TO LISTEN FOR: prominent words that stand out from others.
28. Spotting pitch accents to PLAY SOUND: click on underlined word in angled brackets.
to PLAY SOUND: click on underlined word in angled brackets.
29. Spotting pitch accents to PLAY SOUND: click on underlined word in angled brackets.
NOTE how some accents are more prominent than others = nuclear accents, some of which are narrow focus accents.to PLAY SOUND: click on underlined word in angled brackets.
NOTE how some accents are more prominent than others = nuclear accents, some of which are narrow focus accents.
30. Spotting pitch accents to PLAY SOUND: click on underlined word in angled brackets.
to PLAY SOUND: click on underlined word in angled brackets.
31. Spotting pitch accents to PLAY SOUND: click on underlined word in angled brackets.
to PLAY SOUND: click on underlined word in angled brackets.
32. Acoustic cues to accent Important cues to accent widely studied in the literature:
F0 pattern local pitch movements (e.g. rising, falling) or pitch maxima/minima
Increased duration
Increased amplitude
Enhanced articulatory gestures
These cues may not all be present to mark accent in other languages (e.g. Japanese). this is what you are hearing when you perceive a word as being ACCENTED.
- in Japanese, for example, pitch accents are cued ONLY by F0 shape, and there is no notion of lexical stress.
this is what you are hearing when you perceive a word as being ACCENTED.
- in Japanese, for example, pitch accents are cued ONLY by F0 shape, and there is no notion of lexical stress.
33. OPEN .wav files <howto>
<anyway> to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat.
Where are the pitch accents?
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat.
Where are the pitch accents?
34. PRACTICE spotting pitch accents <howto> I know we've gotta do it but I don't know how to do it ?
<anyway> but anyway if you can't see that then I don't know if I can explain it to you
NO SOUND linked to this slide. See next slide.
NO SOUND linked to this slide. See next slide.
35. PRACTICE spotting pitch accents <howto> I know we've gotta do it but I don't know how to do it ?
<anyway> but anyway if you can't see that then I don't know if I can explain it to you
to PLAY SOUND: click on underlined word in angled brackets.
Agreement results depend on labeler training, type of corpus, etc.to PLAY SOUND: click on underlined word in angled brackets.
Agreement results depend on labeler training, type of corpus, etc.
36. INTONATION CONTOURS
37. Prosody vs. intonation Terms often used interchangeably both contribute to the meaning of an utterance.
Prosody refers to prominences due to pitch accent placement and groupings of words into prosodic constituents.
Intonation refers to the melody that is created by sequences of tones (associated with these accents and groupings) over an utterance.
[See Beckman96 for more description.]
Think of PROSODY as more structural -- the skeletal structure.
Think of INTONATION as how this structure can be realized via an intonation contour.
Think of PROSODY as more structural -- the skeletal structure.
Think of INTONATION as how this structure can be realized via an intonation contour.
38. Same prosody, different tunes Lenora works for Lucent.
Lenora works for Lucent.
Lenora works for Lucent.
Lenora works for Lucent. NO SOUND linked to this slide -- I will produce each contour.
An intonational tune is the melody created by the tone sequence over an utterance.
In each case, the utterance is one intonation phrase with two pitch accents (one on Lenora & one on Lucent) -- same PROSODIC STRUCTURE.
Different INTONATION here.
NO SOUND linked to this slide -- I will produce each contour.
An intonational tune is the melody created by the tone sequence over an utterance.
In each case, the utterance is one intonation phrase with two pitch accents (one on Lenora & one on Lucent) -- same PROSODIC STRUCTURE.
Different INTONATION here.
39. Tunes as tonal combinations The tune of each intonation phrase can be described by a combination of one or more pitch accents, a phrase accent, and a boundary tone.
A pitch accent (*) aligns locally with the primary stressed syllable of the word that bears the accent.
The phrase accent (-) fills the space between the last pitch accent in the phrase and the boundary tone.
The boundary tone (%) aligns locally with the phrase boundary.
Tones as targets, with F0 interpolation in between (aka. the tone-sequence approach). In this model, tones are targets, with F0 interpolation between them.
In this model, tones are targets, with F0 interpolation between them.
40. Tunes as tonal combinations Lenora works for Lucent.
Lenora works for Lucent.
Lenora works for Lucent.
Lenora works for Lucent. NO SOUND linked to the slide -- I will produce the contours.
NO SOUND linked to the slide -- I will produce the contours.
41. Same tune, different alignment to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track. Soundfile is <legumes3> in UTTS/ directory.
We just talked about utterances with the same prosody but different tunes.
Now heres an example of the same TUNE, but different PROSODY!
rise-fall narrow focus tune is aligned differently depending on what is in focus.to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track. Soundfile is <legumes3> in UTTS/ directory.
We just talked about utterances with the same prosody but different tunes.
Now heres an example of the same TUNE, but different PROSODY!
rise-fall narrow focus tune is aligned differently depending on what is in focus.
42. Same tune, different alignment to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track. Soundfile is <legumes2> in UTTS/ directory.
to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track. Soundfile is <legumes2> in UTTS/ directory.
43. Same tune, different alignment to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track. Soundfile is <legumes1> in UTTS/ directory.
to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track. Soundfile is <legumes1> in UTTS/ directory.
44. Example of tone targets NO SOUND linked to this slide.
As I mentioned earlier, the phrase accent (here L-) fills in the region between the nuclear accent (last accent in the phrase) and the boundary tone.
NO SOUND linked to this slide.
As I mentioned earlier, the phrase accent (here L-) fills in the region between the nuclear accent (last accent in the phrase) and the boundary tone.
45. Alignment of question tune - to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track. Soundfile is <legumesYNQ3> in UTTS/ directory.
Heres an example of alignment of a different tune -- the canonical ynQ contour.- to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track. Soundfile is <legumesYNQ3> in UTTS/ directory.
Heres an example of alignment of a different tune -- the canonical ynQ contour.
46. Alignment of question tune to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track. Soundfile is <legumesYNQ2> in UTTS/ directory.
to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track. Soundfile is <legumesYNQ2> in UTTS/ directory.
47. Alignment of question tune to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track. Soundfile is <legumesYNQ1> in UTTS/ directory.
to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track. Soundfile is <legumesYNQ1> in UTTS/ directory.
48. NOW LETS TRANSCRIBE!
49. ToBI tone tier inventory This is the inventory of all ToBI labels you might find in the tone tier.
DO: Ill put up this blank chart and we will fill them in as we cover them -- some (others) Im going to spend VERY LITTLE time on, since they are not core.This is the inventory of all ToBI labels you might find in the tone tier.
DO: Ill put up this blank chart and we will fill them in as we cover them -- some (others) Im going to spend VERY LITTLE time on, since they are not core.
50. ToBI break index tier inventory break indices marks the level of disjuncture among words
Note the natural progression of perceived degree of disjuncture (from weakest to strongest) is 0-1-3-4.
BI 2 marks mismatch -- talk about this BRIEFLY on last day of class!break indices marks the level of disjuncture among words
Note the natural progression of perceived degree of disjuncture (from weakest to strongest) is 0-1-3-4.
BI 2 marks mismatch -- talk about this BRIEFLY on last day of class!
51. Declarative tune: hat pattern Examples: <minimum1> (1 accent) and <thought> (2 accents)
PROSODIC PHRASING:
One intonation phrase (IP) marked by BI 4.
Word boundaries marked by BI 1.
Flapping of /t/ across word boundary marked by BI 0.
ACCENTS AND PHRASE/BOUNDARY TONES:
H* (high star)
Peak F0 within (or slightly after) accented syllable
Rise to peak from middle of speakers range
Height increases with expanded pitch range
MEANING: cues addition to mutual belief space ( la Pierrehumbert & Hirschbergs (1990) compositional approach to tune meaning).
L- (low minus)
L% (low percent) to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat.
start off by introducing whole tunes, and tonal combinations that comprise them, then well mix-n-match tones.
WHAT I WILL DO: Ill present a collection of prototypical exemplars of a particular tune/tone -- students should keep their machines sleeping while we do this.
Then, once weve seen enough examples, Ill give a collection of utterances to practice hands-on transcription.
<minimum1> (100-350) minimum H* L-L%
WHEN TRANSCRIBING: (1) determine grouping, (2) which words are accented?, (3) what are the tones?
BI4 = maximum degree of disjuncture recognized by ToBI -- highest level of prosodic phrasing.
<thought> (100-350) thats H* what I thought H* L-L%
Bolinger (1972b) observed that hat patterns realized over long stretches will often have a pitch accent near the beginning of the stretch (regardless of discourse status). He considered this a STRUCTURAL constraint on pitch accent placement, and likened the first and last accents as pillars of a suspension bridge -- often with a high plateau in between.
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat.
start off by introducing whole tunes, and tonal combinations that comprise them, then well mix-n-match tones.
WHAT I WILL DO: Ill present a collection of prototypical exemplars of a particular tune/tone -- students should keep their machines sleeping while we do this.
Then, once weve seen enough examples, Ill give a collection of utterances to practice hands-on transcription.
<minimum1> (100-350) minimum H* L-L%
WHEN TRANSCRIBING: (1) determine grouping, (2) which words are accented?, (3) what are the tones?
BI4 = maximum degree of disjuncture recognized by ToBI -- highest level of prosodic phrasing.
<thought> (100-350) thats H* what I thought H* L-L%
Bolinger (1972b) observed that hat patterns realized over long stretches will often have a pitch accent near the beginning of the stretch (regardless of discourse status). He considered this a STRUCTURAL constraint on pitch accent placement, and likened the first and last accents as pillars of a suspension bridge -- often with a high plateau in between.
52. Recognizing H* L-L%
Listening practice:
<ex1a1> examples of H* L-L% from different speakers
<ex1a2> Which tunes are H* L-L%? (hint: 2 are not!) to PLAY SOUND: Click on underlined filename.
<ex1a1> (100-400) H* L-L% on various texts
<ex1a2> (100-350) a minimum H* L-L% -- (A) could be L+H* L-L%, (C) is L* H-H%, and (F) is H+!H* H-L%.
to PLAY SOUND: Click on underlined filename.
<ex1a1> (100-400) H* L-L% on various texts
<ex1a2> (100-350) a minimum H* L-L% -- (A) could be L+H* L-L%, (C) is L* H-H%, and (F) is H+!H* H-L%.
53. Break index 0 Defined in terms of connected speech processes that prosodically group words together into clitic groups
e.g. what I ? flap <thought>
e.g. said you ? medial affricate <said_you_would>
to PLAY SOUND: Click on underlined filename.
<thought> (100-350) thats H* what I thought H* L-L%
<said_you_would> (100-350) he said H* you would L-L%to PLAY SOUND: Click on underlined filename.
<thought> (100-350) thats H* what I thought H* L-L%
<said_you_would> (100-350) he said H* you would L-L%
54. Question tune: L* H-H% Examples: <banana1> (short tail) and <manitowoc> (long tail)
ACCENTS AND PHRASE/BOUNDARY TONES:
L* (low star)
F0 valley within accented syllable
Height decreases with expanded pitch range
MEANING: information is prominent/salient (due to the pitch accent) but is not added to the mutual belief space. (PH90)
H- (high minus)
The H- phrase accent upsteps any boundary tone following it.
H% (high percent)
Listening practice: <ex2a1various> examples of L* H-H% from different speakers
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat OR click on underlined filename to play.
this tune is ONE common way to mark ynQs in English -- well talk about other ways later.
<banana1> (100-450) a banana L* H-H%
<manitowoc> (100-450) does Manitowoc L* have a bowling alley H-H%
Remember I mentioned that the phrase accent/tone (here H-) FILLS IN the space between the nuclear accent (the focal accent on Manitowoc) and the boundary tone at the edge of the phrase, making this high relatively flat plateau in <manitowoc>. This region is called the TAIL -- all words are deaccented in the tail -- they dont have any special prosodic prominence.
Then there are not many syllables btw. the nuclear accent and the tail (e.g. <banana1>), you cannot observe the spreading behavior of the phrase accent.
EXPERIMENTAL TIP: always vary number of syllables to see what happens to the tones!
A special feature of H- (tightly woven into this phonological analysis of intonation) is that it UPSTEPS -- it makes higher -- any boundary tone (be it L% or H%) that follows it in the same phrase. This is why the H% is higher than the H- in <manitowoc>.
<ex2a1various> (100-600) L* H-H% on various texts
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat OR click on underlined filename to play.
this tune is ONE common way to mark ynQs in English -- well talk about other ways later.
<banana1> (100-450) a banana L* H-H%
<manitowoc> (100-450) does Manitowoc L* have a bowling alley H-H%
Remember I mentioned that the phrase accent/tone (here H-) FILLS IN the space between the nuclear accent (the focal accent on Manitowoc) and the boundary tone at the edge of the phrase, making this high relatively flat plateau in <manitowoc>. This region is called the TAIL -- all words are deaccented in the tail -- they dont have any special prosodic prominence.
Then there are not many syllables btw. the nuclear accent and the tail (e.g. <banana1>), you cannot observe the spreading behavior of the phrase accent.
EXPERIMENTAL TIP: always vary number of syllables to see what happens to the tones!
A special feature of H- (tightly woven into this phonological analysis of intonation) is that it UPSTEPS -- it makes higher -- any boundary tone (be it L% or H%) that follows it in the same phrase. This is why the H% is higher than the H- in <manitowoc>.
<ex2a1various> (100-600) L* H-H% on various texts
55. Surprise-redundancy tune: L* H* L-L% Example: <mother1>
Sag & Liberman75 described two contexts of use:
Expressing surprise: The blackboards painted orange!
Utterance is redundant/unnecessary: Open the door!
PROSODIC PHRASING:
One intonation phrase (IP) marked by BI 4.
ACCENTS AND PHRASE/BOUNDARY TONES:
Two pitch accents: L* followed by H*
L- phrase accent
L% boundary tone
Listening practice: <ex3a3LH_LL> examples of L* H* L-L% from different speakers
to PLAY SOUND: load file in Praat and play from within Praat OR click on underlined filename to play.
<mother1> (100-350) Mariannas L* mother H* L-L%
Note the interpolation of F0 between accents, then down to boundary.
<ex3a3LH_LL> (100-300) L* H* L-L% on various textsto PLAY SOUND: load file in Praat and play from within Praat OR click on underlined filename to play.
<mother1> (100-350) Mariannas L* mother H* L-L%
Note the interpolation of F0 between accents, then down to boundary.
<ex3a3LH_LL> (100-300) L* H* L-L% on various texts
56. LOAD & TRANSCRIBE <marmalade4>
<melanie>
<ex3b3onion>
<ex6b3thanks>
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat.
<marmalade4> (100-400) Marianna L* made the marmalade H-H%
<melanie> (100-350) who was H* it L-L% Melanie L* H-H%
<ex3b3onion> (100-650) was H* it an onion L* H-H%
<ex6b4thanks> (100-400) but thanks H* for thinking H* of me L-L%
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat.
<marmalade4> (100-400) Marianna L* made the marmalade H-H%
<melanie> (100-350) who was H* it L-L% Melanie L* H-H%
<ex3b3onion> (100-650) was H* it an onion L* H-H%
<ex6b4thanks> (100-400) but thanks H* for thinking H* of me L-L%
57. Labeling tips Make sure the pitch range is set appropriately.
Place the pitch accent within the accented syllable.
preferably within the vowel nucleus, or
at the point of max/min F0.
Place both the phrase and boundary tone exactly at the right edge of the phrase.
PRAAT HOW-TO:
Click on point in F0 window.
Click on circle in tone tier.
Type in label.
[alt+backspace] to delete label, [click+drag] to move label.
Click on existing label to change it, or to add label on another tier with that same timepoint.
To save TextGrid: File > Write TextGrid to text file
58. Continuation rise: L-H% Examples: <baby> and <ex4b4peculiar>
As with L-L% and H-H%, L-H% can theoretically follow any pitch accent type.
Often interpreted as continuation rise, but need not be.
Listening practice: <ex4a1HstarLH> examples of H* L-H% from different speakers to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat OR click on underlined filename to play.
<baby> (50-200) your blond H* baby H* L-H% and *? the pink H* carpeting H* L-L%. NOTE 2 IPs.
NOTE use of *? and alt tier to mark uncertainty -- UNCERTAINTY IS A GOOD THING!!!
Need not be always CONTINUATION rise -- any small rise at the end of an IP. e.g. <ex4b4peculiar>
<ex4b4peculiar> this H* is peculiar L* L-H%
<ex4a1HstarLH> (100-400) L-H% on various texts
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat OR click on underlined filename to play.
<baby> (50-200) your blond H* baby H* L-H% and *? the pink H* carpeting H* L-L%. NOTE 2 IPs.
NOTE use of *? and alt tier to mark uncertainty -- UNCERTAINTY IS A GOOD THING!!!
Need not be always CONTINUATION rise -- any small rise at the end of an IP. e.g. <ex4b4peculiar>
<ex4b4peculiar> this H* is peculiar L* L-H%
<ex4a1HstarLH> (100-400) L-H% on various texts
59. Boundary combinations to PLAY SOUND: click on UPPER LEFT corner inside plot (hidden button). Files are also located in the UTTS/ directory (see filenames below).
BOUNDARY TONE and PHRASE ACCENT combos that weve seen so far:
L-L% following H* <m-moneyLL>, common in declaratives.
L-H% following H* <m-moneyLH>, common in continuation rises (but here its marking a QUESTION).
H-H% following H* -- so far, weve learned only about cases in which H-H% follows a L* <m-moneyHH>, common in ynQs.
(NO SOUND FILE for H* H-H% combo)
And finally, the last possible combination is H-L%, here following H* <m-moneyHL>, common in enumeration (list intonation) -- lets look at more examples of this one.
NOTE: behavior of tones after H- -- in this model, any boundary tone (L% or H%) is UPSTEPPED after H- -- H% is higher than H-, and L% is higher than it would have been otherwise.to PLAY SOUND: click on UPPER LEFT corner inside plot (hidden button). Files are also located in the UTTS/ directory (see filenames below).
BOUNDARY TONE and PHRASE ACCENT combos that weve seen so far:
L-L% following H* <m-moneyLL>, common in declaratives.
L-H% following H* <m-moneyLH>, common in continuation rises (but here its marking a QUESTION).
H-H% following H* -- so far, weve learned only about cases in which H-H% follows a L* <m-moneyHH>, common in ynQs.
(NO SOUND FILE for H* H-H% combo)
And finally, the last possible combination is H-L%, here following H* <m-moneyHL>, common in enumeration (list intonation) -- lets look at more examples of this one.
NOTE: behavior of tones after H- -- in this model, any boundary tone (L% or H%) is UPSTEPPED after H- -- H% is higher than H-, and L% is higher than it would have been otherwise.
60. H-L% Examples:
<school> (following H*)
<ex4b8rowling> (following L*)
H* H-L% is often interpreted as list intonation, though need not be.
See also McLemore91 for description of uptalk (usually H* H-H%) in sorority speech ? this style has a similar effect to the <ex4b8rowling> L* H-L% example.
Listening practice: <ex4a3HstarHL> examples of H* L-H% from different speakers to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat OR click on underlined filename to play.
<school> (100-300) ya know H* L- the school H* H-L% other people H* H-L%
<ex4b8rowling> (150-300) J H* K H* Rowling L* H-L% -- sounds YOUNG, confirmation-seeking, hesitant, sorority, etc.
Mention McLemores study of sorority speech.
See how you can get a very different effect just by varying type of pitch accent (list vs. conf-seeking) -- L* H-L% is not well-studied contour.to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat OR click on underlined filename to play.
<school> (100-300) ya know H* L- the school H* H-L% other people H* H-L%
<ex4b8rowling> (150-300) J H* K H* Rowling L* H-L% -- sounds YOUNG, confirmation-seeking, hesitant, sorority, etc.
Mention McLemores study of sorority speech.
See how you can get a very different effect just by varying type of pitch accent (list vs. conf-seeking) -- L* H-L% is not well-studied contour.
61. LOAD & TRANSCRIBE <ex4b3mangos>
<treehouse>
<alejna1>
<flour2jjv>
(label only from flour to end)
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<alejna1> (100-500) hi H* Alejna L* H-L%
<ex4b3mangos> (100-200) bananas L* L-H% and mangos H* L-L%
<treehouse> (100-300) my classmate H* L-H% who lives H* in a treehouse H* L-H% was written H* up in Atlantic H* L-L%
<flour2jjv> (100-450) LABEL ONLY: flour H* H-L% and butter H* H-L% and sugar H* H-L%
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<alejna1> (100-500) hi H* Alejna L* H-L%
<ex4b3mangos> (100-200) bananas L* L-H% and mangos H* L-L%
<treehouse> (100-300) my classmate H* L-H% who lives H* in a treehouse H* L-H% was written H* up in Atlantic H* L-L%
<flour2jjv> (100-450) LABEL ONLY: flour H* H-L% and butter H* H-L% and sugar H* H-L%
62. L* H-H% vs. L* L-H% ambiguity Potential ambiguity in tonal parse of rising contour:
L* H-H% <banana1> (yes/no question)
L* L-H% <banana3> (continuation rise)
Cues to listen & look for:
Extent of rise (upstep makes H% higher after H-)
Alignment increase syllables in tail and see what happens! to PLAY SOUND: click on underlined filename
<banana1> L*H-H% (female) vs. <banana3> L*L-H% (male) -- hard to compare because the speakers have inherent pitch range diffs.
Possible cues to look for (CAN BE VARIABLE -- NOT ALWAYS RELIABLE CUES):
extent of rise -- H- upsteps the H%, so in theory, the last F0 point should be higher in H-H% (ynQ) case, ALL ELSE EQUAL.
look for alignment differences -- difficult when all tones are crammed onto a one syllable word, but if you can experimentally manipulate so that there are many syllables in the tail (I.e. nuclear acc to boundary), you can observe a high plateau (H-) or a low stretch (L-).
sometimes when either of these cues are helpful -- I HATE TO SAY THIS -- you find yourself listening for the meaning: ynQ or continuation? YOU SHOULDNT DO THIS!
(hard to compare because of diffs in inherent pitch range. -- need same speaker!)
to PLAY SOUND: click on underlined filename
<banana1> L*H-H% (female) vs. <banana3> L*L-H% (male) -- hard to compare because the speakers have inherent pitch range diffs.
Possible cues to look for (CAN BE VARIABLE -- NOT ALWAYS RELIABLE CUES):
extent of rise -- H- upsteps the H%, so in theory, the last F0 point should be higher in H-H% (ynQ) case, ALL ELSE EQUAL.
look for alignment differences -- difficult when all tones are crammed onto a one syllable word, but if you can experimentally manipulate so that there are many syllables in the tail (I.e. nuclear acc to boundary), you can observe a high plateau (H-) or a low stretch (L-).
sometimes when either of these cues are helpful -- I HATE TO SAY THIS -- you find yourself listening for the meaning: ynQ or continuation? YOU SHOULDNT DO THIS!
(hard to compare because of diffs in inherent pitch range. -- need same speaker!)
63. Revisiting question intonation Questions have rising intonation. to PLAY SOUND: click on underlined filename.
I dont want anyone to leave this class and say She taught us that question intonation is L*H-H%! LETS REVISIT.to PLAY SOUND: click on underlined filename.
I dont want anyone to leave this class and say She taught us that question intonation is L*H-H%! LETS REVISIT.
64. BITONAL PITCH ACCENTS
65. Two L+H accents Another example: <millionaire> to PLAY SOUND: click on red dot next to text OR on pitch track. For <millionaire>, load file into Praat and play from within Praat.
Soundfiles are in UTTS/ directory: L+H* <iowa3again> (aka. <desmoinesLplusHstar>) and L*+H <iowa3-2> (aka. <desmoinesLstarplusH>)
<millioniare> (100-450) only H* a millionaire L*+H L-H% only H* a millionaire L+H* L-H%
NOTE alignment of rise wrt. /mil/.to PLAY SOUND: click on red dot next to text OR on pitch track. For <millionaire>, load file into Praat and play from within Praat.
Soundfiles are in UTTS/ directory: L+H* <iowa3again> (aka. <desmoinesLplusHstar>) and L*+H <iowa3-2> (aka. <desmoinesLstarplusH>)
<millioniare> (100-450) only H* a millionaire L*+H L-H% only H* a millionaire L+H* L-H%
NOTE alignment of rise wrt. /mil/.
66. L+H* vs. L*+H Bitonal accents:
+ indicates that both tones are part of the accent.
* indicates which tone is associated with syllable nucleus.
L+H* (low plus high star)
F0 peak within (or slightly after) accented syllable
Rapid rise to peak from low in speakers range
MEANING: Contrastive. Cues that accented item (and not some other alternative related item) should be mutually believed.
L*+H (low star plus high)
F0 valley within accented syllable with rapid rise out of syllable
MEANING: Information is prominent due to pitch accent but is not added to mutual belief space. Informally, the L*+H acc is said to carry the meaning of uncertainty (about a set of entities evoked in the discourse), incredulity, or lack of speaker commitment in general. [See Ward & Hirschberg85, WH88, Ladd80, PH90.]
67. Perception experiment Speaker 1: Rodents are the only pets that chew up their cages.
Speaker 2: Guinea pigs chew their cages ......
Speaker 1 has made a generalization about rodents. Speaker 2 then responds by pointing to the case of guinea pigs, which are either a supporting example or a counterexample, depending on whether they are classed as rodents or not.
A) Indeed. _____________, and they're rodents. (supporting example)
B) Really?______________, and they're not rodents. (counterexample)
[Exercise kindly provided by Mary Beckman, taken from forthcoming textbook: Beckman & Pierrehumbert A Laboratory Course in Phonology.]
68. Experiment results Peak latency is correlated with response: the earlier the peak, the more L+H* indeed (supporting example) responses.
69. L* vs. L*+H L*+H has a rising F0 movement out of the accented syllable, independent of boundary tone. to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
Whats the difference?
<amelia3mit> (100-350) Amelia L* knew him L-H%
<amelia2mit> (100-350) Amelia L*+H knew him L-H%to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
Whats the difference?
<amelia3mit> (100-350) Amelia L* knew him L-H%
<amelia2mit> (100-350) Amelia L*+H knew him L-H%
70. H* vs. L+H* Example: <amelia4mit>
H*: F0 rises from middle of speakers range (i.e. the default level), or via interpolation from a previous accent or boundary tone.
L+H*: F0 rises sharply onto the accented syllable from a low value that cannot be attributed to a preceding L* or L- or L%.
H* and L+H* have distinctive meanings according to PH90: L+H* is more likely to be used in a contrastive context (i.e. singling out one item from a set of alternatives). to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<amelia4mit> (100-350) Amelia H* L-L% Amelia L+H* L-L%
distinctive meanings according to PH90 -- but this is still a matter of debate. Some claim that L+H* is just an emphatic H*.to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<amelia4mit> (100-350) Amelia H* L-L% Amelia L+H* L-L%
distinctive meanings according to PH90 -- but this is still a matter of debate. Some claim that L+H* is just an emphatic H*.
71. Labeler uncertainty wrt. H*/L+H* Despite their distinct tonal shapes in read speech and (alleged) distinct meanings, H* and L+H* are the most commonly confused accents in ToBI transcriptions.
Inter-labeler reliability studies often allow H* to match L+H* in tabulation (e.g. Silverman et al.92, Pitrelli et al.94).
Herman & McGory02 found an average of 22% disagreement between labeler pairs wrt. H* vs. L+H*.
When in doubt, mark your first choice in the tones tier, and include your second choice in the alt (alternative analysis) tier ? cases of uncertainty are cases of interest for later research!
[PRAAT TIP adding new tier: Tier > Add point tier ] Herman & McGory labeler disagreement calculation: out of all times that either of the labelers transcribed either H* or L+H*, 22% of the time the two labelers disagreed, with one putting H* and the other putting L+H* [see p. 12, Table 7 and Appendix 2]Herman & McGory labeler disagreement calculation: out of all times that either of the labelers transcribed either H* or L+H*, 22% of the time the two labelers disagreed, with one putting H* and the other putting L+H* [see p. 12, Table 7 and Appendix 2]
72. Revisiting the surprise-redundancy tune Q: Could the second accent of the surprise-redundancy
contour be L+H*? NO SOUND linked to this slide.
Differences in SLOPE -- the slope gets shallower as more syllables intervene, ALL ELSE EQUAL.
What would it look like if the second accent was L+H*?
Think about the tones you are proposing for your parse, and how their interpolation would look!
NO SOUND linked to this slide.
Differences in SLOPE -- the slope gets shallower as more syllables intervene, ALL ELSE EQUAL.
What would it look like if the second accent was L+H*?
Think about the tones you are proposing for your parse, and how their interpolation would look!
73. LOAD & TRANSCRIBE <ex5a2proenglish>
<onlyC>
<stein>
<15gonna_late>
<won>
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<ex5a2proenglish> (75-400) Eileens L+H* pro-English L-H% Eileens L*+H pro-English L-H%
<onlyC> (100-25) at least L+H* another *? twenty L*+H percent shouldve known L-L%
<stein> (100-450) Steins L*+H not a bad man L-H% rigamarole L*+H is monomorphemic L-H%
<15gonna_late> (100-250) she H* suggested *? that she might L+H* be late L-L%
<won> (100-400) Marianna H* won it L-L% marianna L+H* won it L-L%to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<ex5a2proenglish> (75-400) Eileens L+H* pro-English L-H% Eileens L*+H pro-English L-H%
<onlyC> (100-25) at least L+H* another *? twenty L*+H percent shouldve known L-L%
<stein> (100-450) Steins L*+H not a bad man L-H% rigamarole L*+H is monomorphemic L-H%
<15gonna_late> (100-250) she H* suggested *? that she might L+H* be late L-L%
<won> (100-400) Marianna H* won it L-L% marianna L+H* won it L-L%
74. DOWNSTEP What is downstep?What is downstep?
75. What is downstep? Downstep is the phonological compression of pitch range after some trigger.
ToBI Guide: categorical compression of the pitch range that reduces the F0 targets for any H tones subsequent to the specification of the downstep.
MEANING: Downstepped accents tend to mark information which is already in, or inferable from, the discourse context. (PH90)
Other words that you will find in the literature:
declination ? reduced sub-glottal pressure over phrase
downdrift ? similar to downstep??
final lowering ? discourse-related lowering near end of phrase
catathesis ? same as downstep
downtrend ? cover term for various types of F0 lowering other words used in the literature -- MUCH OVERLAP AND AMBIGUOUS USAGE!
DECLINATION refers to the gradual reduction of the F0 space in which tones are realized, due to the physiological reduction in sub-glottal pressure.
DOWNDRIFT is often used in reference to African tone languages -- context of use makes it seem similar to downstep (though ambiguous!)
FINAL LOWERING is related to discourse and turn-taking, whereby the F0 falls over the last 500ms of a phrase.
CATATHESIS has been used by a few authors to refer to downstep, in an attempt to avoid confusion in terminology with the Africanist use of downstep, which may be different in some cases -- this term never caught on though. We just say downstep now!
DOWNTREND is an umbrella term, it seems, for all of these lowering phenomena.
While declination and final lowering DO exist in English, we are only going to be dealing with DOWNSTEP here.other words used in the literature -- MUCH OVERLAP AND AMBIGUOUS USAGE!
DECLINATION refers to the gradual reduction of the F0 space in which tones are realized, due to the physiological reduction in sub-glottal pressure.
DOWNDRIFT is often used in reference to African tone languages -- context of use makes it seem similar to downstep (though ambiguous!)
FINAL LOWERING is related to discourse and turn-taking, whereby the F0 falls over the last 500ms of a phrase.
CATATHESIS has been used by a few authors to refer to downstep, in an attempt to avoid confusion in terminology with the Africanist use of downstep, which may be different in some cases -- this term never caught on though. We just say downstep now!
DOWNTREND is an umbrella term, it seems, for all of these lowering phenomena.
While declination and final lowering DO exist in English, we are only going to be dealing with DOWNSTEP here.
76. Downstep schematic What is the trigger for downstep in English?
Pierrehumbert80: trigger is any bitonal pitch accent
ToBI: trigger is not defined, but may be related to discourse salience.
categorical compression of the pitch range that reduces the F0 targets for any H tones subsequent to a TRIGGER, or the specification of the downstep.
In ToBI the downstep trigger is not defined -- a workshop compromise.
EXAMPLE: (LP84) blueberries n blackberries brambleberries -- I will produce this example.
Can apply repeatedly (chaining), producing staircase pattern -- range is reduced not by same absolute amount, but my same percent each time (like an exponential decay) -- can get LONG strings (see LP84)
RANGE is reset -- each new intermediate phrase represents a new discourse-related choice of pitch range, at which downstep can be reset. -- WELL TALK MORE ABOUT INTERMEDIATE PHRASES LATER.
categorical compression of the pitch range that reduces the F0 targets for any H tones subsequent to a TRIGGER, or the specification of the downstep.
In ToBI the downstep trigger is not defined -- a workshop compromise.
EXAMPLE: (LP84) blueberries n blackberries brambleberries -- I will produce this example.
Can apply repeatedly (chaining), producing staircase pattern -- range is reduced not by same absolute amount, but my same percent each time (like an exponential decay) -- can get LONG strings (see LP84)
RANGE is reset -- each new intermediate phrase represents a new discourse-related choice of pitch range, at which downstep can be reset. -- WELL TALK MORE ABOUT INTERMEDIATE PHRASES LATER.
77. !H* Examples:
<clean_slate> (two accents)
<private_ryan1> (three accents) to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat OR click on underlined filename to play.
<clean_slate> (100-300) clean H* slate !H* L-L%
<private_ryan1> (50-175) saving H* Private !H* Ryan !H* L-L%
Why not a MID tone? Read answer as: there are many H* intermediate !H* levels !H* L-L% (as many as you want!) -- if you were to propose a mid tone, which level would it be?
NOTE: A mid tone is not motivated as a contrastive phonological category in American English -- but it IS in Glaswegian English, where there is a boundary tone contrast among L, H and M.
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat OR click on underlined filename to play.
<clean_slate> (100-300) clean H* slate !H* L-L%
<private_ryan1> (50-175) saving H* Private !H* Ryan !H* L-L%
Why not a MID tone? Read answer as: there are many H* intermediate !H* levels !H* L-L% (as many as you want!) -- if you were to propose a mid tone, which level would it be?
NOTE: A mid tone is not motivated as a contrastive phonological category in American English -- but it IS in Glaswegian English, where there is a boundary tone contrast among L, H and M.
78. Constraints on !H* The downstep trigger is not explicitly specified in ToBI.
HOWEVER, a downstepped accent:
Must follow an accent with a high tone in it (H*, L*+H, L+H*, etc.)
Cannot be first accent in phrase
Cannot follow L*
79. More about scaling of H tones Different realizations of H* H* L-L% NO SOUND linked to this slide. For <illuminating1>, load into Praat and play from within Praat
<illuminating1> (100-350) thats really H* illuminating !H* L-L% thats really H* illuminating H* L-L%
NO SOUND linked to this slide. For <illuminating1>, load into Praat and play from within Praat
<illuminating1> (100-350) thats really H* illuminating !H* L-L% thats really H* illuminating H* L-L%
80. Parsing similar contours Determining the tonal parse of superficially similar contours:
One hump, but different prosody!
Ask yourself:
How many accents?
Propose one or two plausible tonal parses.
Think about what what the proposed tune should look like (e.g. what would we expect from H* L-L% aligned with this example?) to PLAY SOUND: click on BLUE WORDS. Files are also in the UTTS/ directory: <armani2> (H* L-L%, left) and <armani3> (H* !H* L-L%, right)
THINK about what the contour should look like -- What would the declarative H* L-L% aligned with accented Armani look like?
Would the F0 go from the peak directly to the low boundary? NO -- the L- phrase accent spreads in from the edge.
these utterances answer different questions!
Who knew the millionaire? Armani H* knew the millionaire L-L%
Speaking of those rich people, Versace knew the tycoon, and Armani H* knew the millionaire !H* L-L%
to PLAY SOUND: click on BLUE WORDS. Files are also in the UTTS/ directory: <armani2> (H* L-L%, left) and <armani3> (H* !H* L-L%, right)
THINK about what the contour should look like -- What would the declarative H* L-L% aligned with accented Armani look like?
Would the F0 go from the peak directly to the low boundary? NO -- the L- phrase accent spreads in from the edge.
these utterances answer different questions!
Who knew the millionaire? Armani H* knew the millionaire L-L%
Speaking of those rich people, Versace knew the tycoon, and Armani H* knew the millionaire !H* L-L%
81. Downstepped bitonal accents The H tone of bitonal accents can be downstepped!
L+!H* examples:
<really1>
<bloomingdales2>
L*+!H examples:
<bloomingdales1>
<joey>
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<really1> (125-350) -- LAST UTTERANCE: Thats really L+H* illuminating L+!H* L-L%
<bloomingdales2> (100-325) theres a lovely L+H* one in Bloomingdales L+!H* L-L%
<bloomingdales1> (100-400) theres a lovely L*+H one in Bloomingdales L*+!H L-H%
<joey> (100-400) dont H* hit it to Joey L*+!H L-H%to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<really1> (125-350) -- LAST UTTERANCE: Thats really L+H* illuminating L+!H* L-L%
<bloomingdales2> (100-325) theres a lovely L+H* one in Bloomingdales L+!H* L-L%
<bloomingdales1> (100-400) theres a lovely L*+H one in Bloomingdales L*+!H L-H%
<joey> (100-400) dont H* hit it to Joey L*+!H L-H%
82. H+!H* Here, ! marks that the H tone is lower than preceding high within the same pitch accent (as opposed to a previous accent).
Example: <mother_theresa>
H+!H* (high plus downstepped high star)
Fall from high F0 to lower F0 level on the accented syllable.
Fall cannot be accounted for any other way (e.g. previous H tone).
MEANING: Cues that the information should already be in, or inferable from, the mutual belief space. (PH90)
<ex7a1HdownHstarLL> examples of H+!H* L-L% from different speakers
<ex7a2HdownHstarHL> examples of H+!H* H-L% from different speakers to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat OR click on underlined filename
The last pitch accent type -- hurray!
<mother_theresa> (100-300) you want H* an example H* H-H% Mother Theresa H+!H* L-L%
<ex7a1HdownHstarLL> (50-250) H+!H* L-L% on various texts
<ex7a2HdownHstarHL> (100-350) H+!H* H-L% on various texts
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat OR click on underlined filename
The last pitch accent type -- hurray!
<mother_theresa> (100-300) you want H* an example H* H-H% Mother Theresa H+!H* L-L%
<ex7a1HdownHstarLL> (50-250) H+!H* L-L% on various texts
<ex7a2HdownHstarHL> (100-350) H+!H* H-L% on various texts
83. LOAD & TRANSCRIBE <windy>
<ex7b2amelia_amelia>
<ex6b1station>
<romanelli>
<ex6b6here>
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<windy> (100-250) becoming L+H* windy L+!H* L-H%
<ex7b2amelia_amelia> (100-200) Amelia L+H* H-L% Amelia H+!H* L-L%
<ex6b1station> (100-300) ok H* L-L% to get H* from home !H* to the station !H* L-L%
<romanelli> (100-350) John H* Romanelli H* H-H% John H* Romanelli H+!H* L-L% please L* return to the ticket H+!H* counter L-L%
<ex6b6here> (100-400) in H* here !H* H-L%
use this last example to introduce the nuclear accent + edge tone schematics chart -- HAND OUT.
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<windy> (100-250) becoming L+H* windy L+!H* L-H%
<ex7b2amelia_amelia> (100-200) Amelia L+H* H-L% Amelia H+!H* L-L%
<ex6b1station> (100-300) ok H* L-L% to get H* from home !H* to the station !H* L-L%
<romanelli> (100-350) John H* Romanelli H* H-H% John H* Romanelli H+!H* L-L% please L* return to the ticket H+!H* counter L-L%
<ex6b6here> (100-400) in H* here !H* H-L%
use this last example to introduce the nuclear accent + edge tone schematics chart -- HAND OUT.
84. Creating a new TextGrid PRAAT TIP:
Select sound object.
Select Annotate > To TextGrid
Specify all ToBI tier names: tones words breaks misc
Point tiers are: tones breaks misc
New blank TextGrid appears in Praat Objects window.
Select sound and TextGrid objects and click Edit.
Determine the word intervals and mark in Words tier.
Youre now ready to create a ToBI transctiption!
85. NO SOUND linked to this slide.
Are all combinations equally common? NO.
See Audra Dainoras (2001) work on co-occurrence.
Also, emphasize that certain speaking styles contain more/less of certain tunes.
NO SOUND linked to this slide.
Are all combinations equally common? NO.
See Audra Dainoras (2001) work on co-occurrence.
Also, emphasize that certain speaking styles contain more/less of certain tunes.
86. INTERMEDIATE PHRASING
87. Example of multiple iPs BI 4: intonation phrase (IP) boundary ? marked by L% or H%
BI 3: intermediate phrase (iP) boundary ? marked by L- or H-
to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track.
Soundfile is <lazy> in the UTTS/ directory.
to PLAY SOUND: click on pitch track.
Soundfile is <lazy> in the UTTS/ directory.
88. Prosodic structure of <lazy> NO SOUND linked to this slide.
REMEMBER:
Each intermediate phrase (iP) contains one or more pitch accents, and is marked by phrase accent (here H-).
There is no limit to how many iP an intonation phrase (IP) may have (here there are 3 iPs).
The last acc in the iP is the nuclear accent. -- here, it just so happens that there is only one accent in each iP, thus that IS the nuclear accent.
NO SOUND linked to this slide.
REMEMBER:
Each intermediate phrase (iP) contains one or more pitch accents, and is marked by phrase accent (here H-).
There is no limit to how many iP an intonation phrase (IP) may have (here there are 3 iPs).
The last acc in the iP is the nuclear accent. -- here, it just so happens that there is only one accent in each iP, thus that IS the nuclear accent.
89. Detecting iP boundaries Examples: <insert> (H* L-) and <made4> (L* H-)
WHAT TO LISTEN & LOOK FOR:
Subjective sense of disjuncture cued by:
lengthening (see Beckman & Edwards90)
F0 reset
Evidence of L- or H- phrase accent
Sense of equal prominence of accents each iP has its own nuclear accent.
Compare disjuncture of BI 3 (medium) vs. BI 4 (strong): <stalin>
88%-91% agreement on location of iP boundaries.
91%-95% agreement on location of IP boundaries.
[See Silverman et al.92, Pitrelli et al.94, Yoon et al.04.]
Downstep is blocked by an iP boundary: <yellow1> vs. <yellow3> to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<insert> (100-400) I H* means insert H* L-L% I H* L- means insert L-L%
<made4> (100-400) Marianna L* made *? the marmalade L* H-H% Marianna L* H- made the marmalade L* H-H%
NOTE -- the Q is asking about BOTH Marianna AND marmalade -- double focus
<stalin> (100-450) I L* H- was wrong L* H-H% and Stalin L* H- was right L* H-H% I L* H-H% was wrong L* H-H%
NOTE: iP labeler agreement %s may be inflated due to the fact that phrase accents also occur at IP boundaries, which are easy to spot.
<yellow1> (100-325) its a lovely L+H* yellowish L+!H* old L+!H* one L-L%
<yellow3> (100-325) its lovely L+H* and yellowish L+!H* L- and its an old X*? one L-L%
NOTE uncertainty about accent type here -- INTRODUCE THIS LABEL! -- what are the alternatives (use alt tier)
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<insert> (100-400) I H* means insert H* L-L% I H* L- means insert L-L%
<made4> (100-400) Marianna L* made *? the marmalade L* H-H% Marianna L* H- made the marmalade L* H-H%
NOTE -- the Q is asking about BOTH Marianna AND marmalade -- double focus
<stalin> (100-450) I L* H- was wrong L* H-H% and Stalin L* H- was right L* H-H% I L* H-H% was wrong L* H-H%
NOTE: iP labeler agreement %s may be inflated due to the fact that phrase accents also occur at IP boundaries, which are easy to spot.
<yellow1> (100-325) its a lovely L+H* yellowish L+!H* old L+!H* one L-L%
<yellow3> (100-325) its lovely L+H* and yellowish L+!H* L- and its an old X*? one L-L%
NOTE uncertainty about accent type here -- INTRODUCE THIS LABEL! -- what are the alternatives (use alt tier)
90. Phrasing can cue syntactic structure Examples of global and temporary ambiguity:
old men and women
John doesnt drink because hes unhappy.
Sally saw the man with the binoculars.
When Madonna sings the song (is a hit / its a hit).
Prosodic phrasing is NOT isomorphic with syntactic structure!
Certain syntactic phrase edges do often co-occur with prosodic boundaries (either iP or IP boundaries).
However, prosodic phrase boundaries occur for other reasons too (e.g. prosodic balance, speech rate, etc.)!
Prosodic phrasing is highly variable depending on context, speaker, awareness of ambiguity, etc. and is often not a 100% reliable cue.
Examples: <pigs> and <trafficlight> to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
While accent distribution and tune (i.e. tone choice) are intimately tied to pragmatics and discourse structure,
Phrasing is the main prosodic means used to disambiguate potentially ambiguous syntactic structures and ambiguous scope -- either global or local/temporary
PLENTY of research on prosody-syntax mapping!
HOWEVER! phrasing is NOT isomorphic with syntax. (prosodic structure can be quite flat, as you saw with the <lazy> example).
Its true that certain syntactic boundaries do co-occur with prosodic boundaries
BUT prosodic boundaries occur for OTHER reasons too.
TAKE HOME MESSAGE: prosodic phrasing is highly variable (esp. according to speaker awareness of ambiguity!!), so is not 100% reliable cue.
<pigs> (100-350) theyve eaten H* the pigs H* L-L% theyve eaten L+H* L- the pigs L* L-L%
<trafficlight> (100-350) thats right L+H* L- at the traffic H* light L-L% thats right H* L-L% at the traffic H* light L-L% (also NOTE other possibility & interpretation -- hat pattern)to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
While accent distribution and tune (i.e. tone choice) are intimately tied to pragmatics and discourse structure,
Phrasing is the main prosodic means used to disambiguate potentially ambiguous syntactic structures and ambiguous scope -- either global or local/temporary
PLENTY of research on prosody-syntax mapping!
HOWEVER! phrasing is NOT isomorphic with syntax. (prosodic structure can be quite flat, as you saw with the <lazy> example).
Its true that certain syntactic boundaries do co-occur with prosodic boundaries
BUT prosodic boundaries occur for OTHER reasons too.
TAKE HOME MESSAGE: prosodic phrasing is highly variable (esp. according to speaker awareness of ambiguity!!), so is not 100% reliable cue.
<pigs> (100-350) theyve eaten H* the pigs H* L-L% theyve eaten L+H* L- the pigs L* L-L%
<trafficlight> (100-350) thats right L+H* L- at the traffic H* light L-L% thats right H* L-L% at the traffic H* light L-L% (also NOTE other possibility & interpretation -- hat pattern)
91. Boundary ambiguities Tonal cues at phrase boundaries can be ambiguous.
e.g. L- vs. L-L%
e.g. L* H- vs. L* H-H%
e.g. H* H- vs. H* H-L%
Rely mainly on the juncture strength (i.e. BI3 or BI4?) to determine your assignment of tones.
Listen for differences in lengthening, (virtual) pauses, etc.
Examples:
rising list intonation: <oregano> (BI3) and <flour1> (BI4)
flat list intonation: <flour2> (BI4)
Herman & McGory02 found 12% disagreement for L- vs. L-L%, only 1% disagreement for H- vs. H-H%, and no disagreement for H- vs. H-L% (pooled across all labeler pairs).
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<oregano> (100-350) lets H* see H* L-L% I need oregano L* H- n marjoram L* H- n some fresh L+H* basil !H* L- okay H* H-H%
<flour1> (100-350) I need flour L* H-H% and butter L* H-H% and sugar L* H-H% and oh H* I !H* dont !H* know !H* L-L%
<flour2> (100-450) oh H* L-L% nothing L+H* L- special H* L-H% you know flour H* H-L% and butter H* H-L% and sugar H*H-L%to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<oregano> (100-350) lets H* see H* L-L% I need oregano L* H- n marjoram L* H- n some fresh L+H* basil !H* L- okay H* H-H%
<flour1> (100-350) I need flour L* H-H% and butter L* H-H% and sugar L* H-H% and oh H* I !H* dont !H* know !H* L-L%
<flour2> (100-450) oh H* L-L% nothing L+H* L- special H* L-H% you know flour H* H-L% and butter H* H-L% and sugar H*H-L%
92. ToBI label confusion matrices
93. Uncertainty about juncture strength Place - diacritic after break value in BI tier
Use the higher number break value.
4- means uncertainty btw BI3 (iP) and BI4 (IP)
3- means uncertainty btw BI1 (word) and BI3 (iP)
Make sure to label tones appropriate for the higher BI.
94. LOAD & TRANSCRIBE <jam1>
<argument>
<vocative1>
<ex4b6fruit>
<sadaatshavingA> <sadaatshavingB5>
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<jam1> (100-350) will you have marmalade L* H- or jam L* H-H%
<argument> (75-300) if you can L* H- then theres no argument H* about it. L-L% if you can L* H- then theres no argument H+!H* about it. L-L%
<vocative1> (100-450) Anna *? will win H* L- Manny L* L-L% Anna H* will win H* Manny L-L% she wont H* lose L+!H* him L-H%
<ex4b6fruit> (100-300) a lime H* H-L% a lemon H* H-L% a watermelon H* H-L% a honeydew H* H-L%
<sadaatshavingA> (100-400) Sadaat L+H* is shaving L* L-H%
<sadaatshavingB5> (100-400) Sadaat L* H-H% is shaving L* H-H%
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<jam1> (100-350) will you have marmalade L* H- or jam L* H-H%
<argument> (75-300) if you can L* H- then theres no argument H* about it. L-L% if you can L* H- then theres no argument H+!H* about it. L-L%
<vocative1> (100-450) Anna *? will win H* L- Manny L* L-L% Anna H* will win H* Manny L-L% she wont H* lose L+!H* him L-H%
<ex4b6fruit> (100-300) a lime H* H-L% a lemon H* H-L% a watermelon H* H-L% a honeydew H* H-L%
<sadaatshavingA> (100-400) Sadaat L+H* is shaving L* L-H%
<sadaatshavingB5> (100-400) Sadaat L* H-H% is shaving L* H-H%
95. Review of prosodic structure terminology Each intermediate phrase (iP) contains one or more pitch accents.
The last accent in the iP is the nuclear accent.
All non-final accents in the iP are prenuclear accents.
Each iP is marked by a phrase accent (L- or H-).
Intermediate phrases combine into larger prosodic units called intonation phrases (IP).
Each IP is marked by a boundary tone (L% or H%).
96. !H- phrase accent Example: <in_here>
!H* (downstepped high minus)
A downstepped version of the H-L% plateau.
Compare !H-L% with H-L% and L-L%:
to PLAY <in_here>, load into Praat and play from within Praat. NO SOUND linked to the three schematics -- I will produce these contours.
<in_here> (100-200) in here L+H* !H-L%
REMEMBER that the H-L% combination forms a high plateau because of the upstep after H-. Here, the plateau is downstepped relative to the previous pitch accent.
H* L-L% Im telling you. Thats Mariannas money.
H* H-L% Thats my money, thats Lenoras money, thats Mariannas money
H* !H-L% Thats Mariannas money better not touch it
to PLAY <in_here>, load into Praat and play from within Praat. NO SOUND linked to the three schematics -- I will produce these contours.
<in_here> (100-200) in here L+H* !H-L%
REMEMBER that the H-L% combination forms a high plateau because of the upstep after H-. Here, the plateau is downstepped relative to the previous pitch accent.
H* L-L% Im telling you. Thats Mariannas money.
H* H-L% Thats my money, thats Lenoras money, thats Mariannas money
H* !H-L% Thats Mariannas money better not touch it
97. Parsing similar contours Determining the tonal parse of superficially similar contours:
One fall-to-plateau, but different prosody! to PLAY SOUND: click on LOWER LEFT CORNER of box (hidden button).
NOTE: pitch range differences are simply due to different speakers.
<bye> bye H* !H-L%
<alejna> H* !H* H-L%
<green_tea> H* !H-L% OR H* !H* H-L%
to PLAY SOUND: click on LOWER LEFT CORNER of box (hidden button).
NOTE: pitch range differences are simply due to different speakers.
<bye> bye H* !H-L%
<alejna> H* !H* H-L%
<green_tea> H* !H-L% OR H* !H* H-L%
98. NO SOUND FILES linked here. Sorry!
Different tonal combinations can yield the same contour!!
NO SOUND FILES linked here. Sorry!
Different tonal combinations can yield the same contour!!
99. Calling contour The calling contour is H* !H- L% (or L+H* !H- L%) realized over one or more syllables, usually on a name.
Example: <calling>
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<bye> was an example of the so-called calling contour, widely described in the literature.
<calling> (150-300) Mariana L+H* !H-L% Marianna H* !H-L%to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<bye> was an example of the so-called calling contour, widely described in the literature.
<calling> (150-300) Mariana L+H* !H-L% Marianna H* !H-L%
100. %H and the contradiction contour Example: <bananas>
Described by Liberman & Sag74, Ladd80, etc.
ToBI transcription is %H L* L* L-H%.
%H (percent H)
Optional initial high boundary tone
Limited to post-pausal IP-initial position only
Most commonly found in the contradiction contour
Use %H only when there is no other explanation of where the high comes from.
<elephant3>
Same contradiction contour, but different tonal parse.
Here, there are pitch accents on both the primary and secondary lexical stressed syllables. (e.g. as in PHILaDELphia).
Use H* instead of %H if the syllable is accentable.
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
This is the LAST TONE and LAST CONTOUR were going to talk about! -- my favorite!
<bananas> (100-400) %H bananas L* arent poisonous L* L-H%
Use %H only when there is no other explanation of where the high comes from -- the /ba/ in bananas is UNaccentable.
But what if there is an initial word or syllable that IS accentable?
<elephant3> (100-400) %H elephantiasis L* isnt incurable L* L-H%to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
This is the LAST TONE and LAST CONTOUR were going to talk about! -- my favorite!
<bananas> (100-400) %H bananas L* arent poisonous L* L-H%
Use %H only when there is no other explanation of where the high comes from -- the /ba/ in bananas is UNaccentable.
But what if there is an initial word or syllable that IS accentable?
<elephant3> (100-400) %H elephantiasis L* isnt incurable L* L-H%
101. LOAD & TRANSCRIBE <crazy>
<ex9b1cigar>
<ex9b5later>
<gloria>
<ex9b4goodbye2>
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<crazy> (100-300) crazy H* !H-L%
<ex9b1cigar> (100-300) close H* L- but no H* cigar H* !H-L%
<ex9b5later> (100-200) catch H* ya later H* !H-L%
<gloria> (100-450) ah H* gloria L* L-L% youre H* not ugly L* L-H%
<ex9b4goodbye2> (50-200) goodbye H+!H* L-L%to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<crazy> (100-300) crazy H* !H-L%
<ex9b1cigar> (100-300) close H* L- but no H* cigar H* !H-L%
<ex9b5later> (100-200) catch H* ya later H* !H-L%
<gloria> (100-450) ah H* gloria L* L-L% youre H* not ugly L* L-H%
<ex9b4goodbye2> (50-200) goodbye H+!H* L-L%
102. Summary: tunes and tones declarative hat pattern: (H*) H* L-L% <thought>
downstepped hat: H* !H* L-L% <private_ryan1>
continuation rise: L-H% <baby>
high rise: H* H-H% <good1>
yes-no question, aka. low rise: L* H-H% <manitowoc>
list intonation: L* H-(H%) <flour1> or H* H-(L%) <flour2>
calling contour: H* !H-L% <callingHstar>
surprise-redundancy: L* H* L-L% <mother1>
contradiction contour: %H L* L* L-H% <bananas> to PLAY SOUND: click on underlined filenames.
to PLAY SOUND: click on underlined filenames.
103. to PLAY SOUND: click on schematic inside RED BOX. Others without a red box do not have sound linked to them.
Names of soundfiles in UTTS/ directory:
H* H- L% amelia3
H* H- H% amelia4
L* L- L% amelia5
L* L- H% amelia6
L* H- H% amelia8
L*+H L- L% amelia9
L*+H L- H% amelia10
L*+H !H- L% amelia11
L+H* L- L% amelia13
L+H* L- H% amelia14
L+H* !H- L% amelia15
H* !H- H% amelia18
to PLAY SOUND: click on schematic inside RED BOX. Others without a red box do not have sound linked to them.
Names of soundfiles in UTTS/ directory:
H* H- L% amelia3
H* H- H% amelia4
L* L- L% amelia5
L* L- H% amelia6
L* H- H% amelia8
L*+H L- L% amelia9
L*+H L- H% amelia10
L*+H !H- L% amelia11
L+H* L- L% amelia13
L+H* L- H% amelia14
L+H* !H- L% amelia15
H* !H- H% amelia18
104. TONE / JUNCTURE MISMATCH
105. BI2: tone/juncture mismatch Use BI 2 when the perceived sense of disjuncture does not coincide with the observed tonal boundary events. Two categories:
<iraqi> A strong sense of disjuncture (BI 3 or 4) marked by (virtual) pause, but with no evidence of necessary tonal events (e.g. phrase accent) i.e. a well-formed tune continues across the juncture. [new proposal: label as 3m or 4m]
? rhetorical effect of careful deliberation
<quincy> The pitch pattern at boundary btw two words indicates an ip or IP tonal event, but no pre-boundary lengthening or other cues to give subjective sense of strong disjuncture. [new proposal: label as 1m]
? holding floor, conveying sense of urgency while using tonal marks to convey attentional focus on closely spaced words
BI2 is NOT for a juncture which seems larger than 1 but smaller than 3 this should be labeled as 3-!!
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
Often found in SPONTANEOUS SPEECH
<iraqi> (100-300) six H* southern !H* Iraqi !H* cities X*? L-L%
NOTE: apparent downstep ACROSS these large junctures.
<qunicy> (100-300) Qunicy H* L-
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
Often found in SPONTANEOUS SPEECH
<iraqi> (100-300) six H* southern !H* Iraqi !H* cities X*? L-L%
NOTE: apparent downstep ACROSS these large junctures.
<qunicy> (100-300) Qunicy H* L-
106. TRANSCRIBING DISFLUENCIES
107. p diacritic Use for junctures involving disfluencies/hesitations.
prolongation (as in hesitation, w/ or w/out a pause)
Also used for abrupt cutoffs before restarts/repairs
Use in conjunction with BI 1,2,3:
1p: an abrupt cutoff before an actual repair, or as if stopping to permit a repair or restart of some kind
2p: a hesitation pause or prolongation of segmental material where there is no phrase accent perceived in the intonation contour
3p: a hesitation pause or pause-like prolongation where there is a phrase accent in the tone tier
Examples: <connections> and <display>
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<connections> (100-200) multiple examples of 1p.
<display> (50-200) multiple examples of 2p and 3p.
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<connections> (100-200) multiple examples of 1p.
<display> (50-200) multiple examples of 2p and 3p.
108. %r in the tone tier Use %r to indicate the restarting of a brand new intonation contour when the last contour was interrupted without being finished (i.e. by a disfluency).
Example: <connections>
Do not use %r after 3p because 3p already implies a new intonation contour (i.e. a new intermediate phrase) will start after this juncture. to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<connections> (100-200) example of %r after 1p.
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<connections> (100-200) example of %r after 1p.
109. UNCERTAINTY
110. Variation that may lead to uncertainty Individual differences
e.g. pitch range of voice, etc.
Intra-speaker differences
e.g. changes in rate, loudness, affect (e.g. boredom vs. excitement), etc.
Dialectal differences in intonation
e.g. regional, socio-indexical, etc.
Stylistic differences
e.g. new broadcasters, public speakers, casual conversation, Parentese, etc.
Other factors
e.g. speech rate, segmental effects, ambient noise/poor recording, other speakers, laughter, yawning, laryngitis, etc.
[taken from MIT tutorial]
111. Uncertainty labels and the alt tier BREAK INDICES: Use diacritic - after (higher) BI value.
TONES:
Mark first choice in the tones tier, and use the alt (alternatives) tier to indicate other labels that were seriously considered.
Uncertainty and indecision can be a GOOD thing!! These labels flag locations that warrant future research on ambiguity, and allow us to distinguish regions that are straightforward to label from those troublesome regions.
112. Quiz yourself Is ToBI an IPA for intonation? Why/why not?
Can you develop a ToBI system for your language?
What is a pitch accent?
What determines which words are accented? (trick question)
Name at least 4 English pitch accents.
What is the difference between L+H* and L*+H?
What do break indices transcribe?
What are the tonally-marked prosodic phrases in English?
What is downstep? How is it marked in ToBI?
Name an intonation tune that can be used for:
a question, a list, contrastive focus, surprise/redundancy
How can labeler uncertainty be represented in a ToBI transcription?
Do tunes have meaning or do tones have meaning?
What means are available to disambiguate structural ambiguity?
113. Extra practice! #1: BASICS
<ex8b7tomorrow3> <anna1> <21_KS_A_2> (ignore the uh)
#2: BITONAL ACCENTS AND DOWNSTEP
<friend2> <levels> <thatone>
#3: INTERMEDIATE PHRASING
<legumes1tobi> <eileen-leaving> <democrat> <understand>
#4: OTHER FUN CONTOURS
<ex9b7anna> <voice> <spoon2> <20_KS_A_1>
#5: DISFLUENCIES
<transport> to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<ex8b7tomorrow3> (100-300) tomorrow H* morning H* L-L%
<anna1> (100-300) Anna H* L-H% married L* Lenny H* L-L%
<21_KS_A_2> (75-200) ok L* H-H% uh what H* would be your destination H* L-L%
<friend2> (75-250) a friend H* of mine works !H* for NASA !H* L-L%
<levels> (100-300) there are many L+H* intermediate L+!H* levels L+!H* L-L%
<thatone> (100-400) do you really L*+H think its that !H* one H-H% do you really L+H* think its that L* one H-H%
<legumes1tobi> (100-400) legumes H* are a good source of vitamins (L)+H* L-H% and of protein H* L- as well H* L-L%
<eileen-leaving> (100-450) Eileen L* H- is leaving L* H-H% Eileen L+H* is leaving L-H%
<democrat> (100-300) the chairman L+H* L- Wendell L+H* Ford !H* L- democrat H* of Kentucky L+H* L-L%
<understand> (75-300) Im H* simply L* H- trying L* to H- get L* you to H- understand L* H* L-L%
<ex9b7anna> (100-400) Anna L* H-H% Anna H* !H-L%
<voice> (100-450) %H you lost L* your voice H* L-L%
<spoon2> (100-450) theres a spoon L+H* !H-L% in here L+H* !H-L%
<20_KS_A_1> (50-200) hello L+H* H- Wander L* Travel L* H- this is Steve L+H* !H-L% may I help L* you H-H%
<transport> (100-250) show ground H* transport- 1p %r ground L+H* transportation L+H* L-L% at 2p %r Atlanta H* L-L%
to PLAY SOUND: load files in Praat and play from within Praat
<ex8b7tomorrow3> (100-300) tomorrow H* morning H* L-L%
<anna1> (100-300) Anna H* L-H% married L* Lenny H* L-L%
<21_KS_A_2> (75-200) ok L* H-H% uh what H* would be your destination H* L-L%
<friend2> (75-250) a friend H* of mine works !H* for NASA !H* L-L%
<levels> (100-300) there are many L+H* intermediate L+!H* levels L+!H* L-L%
<thatone> (100-400) do you really L*+H think its that !H* one H-H% do you really L+H* think its that L* one H-H%
<legumes1tobi> (100-400) legumes H* are a good source of vitamins (L)+H* L-H% and of protein H* L- as well H* L-L%
<eileen-leaving> (100-450) Eileen L* H- is leaving L* H-H% Eileen L+H* is leaving L-H%
<democrat> (100-300) the chairman L+H* L- Wendell L+H* Ford !H* L- democrat H* of Kentucky L+H* L-L%
<understand> (75-300) Im H* simply L* H- trying L* to H- get L* you to H- understand L* H* L-L%
<ex9b7anna> (100-400) Anna L* H-H% Anna H* !H-L%
<voice> (100-450) %H you lost L* your voice H* L-L%
<spoon2> (100-450) theres a spoon L+H* !H-L% in here L+H* !H-L%
<20_KS_A_1> (50-200) hello L+H* H- Wander L* Travel L* H- this is Steve L+H* !H-L% may I help L* you H-H%
<transport> (100-250) show ground H* transport- 1p %r ground L+H* transportation L+H* L-L% at 2p %r Atlanta H* L-L%
114. Critics picks Which references should I read first?
Beckman, M.E. 1996. The parsing of prosody. Lang and Cognitive Processes 11: 17-67.
? a very general (albeit dense!) overview of prosody and intonation, highlighting important research areas.
Pierrehumbert, J. & J. Hirschberg. 1990. The meaning of intonational contours in the interpretation of discourse. In P.R. Cohen, J. Morgan & M.E. Pollack (eds.) Intentions in Communication, pp. 271-311. MIT Press.
? an overview of intonational meaning (note that this article describes tones in Pierrehumberts original system, which are slightly different from ToBI).
Ladd, D.R. 1996. Intonational Phonology. Cambridge University Press.
? a great introduction to intonation, and a fun read!
Beckman, M.E. & J. Pierrehumbert. 1986. Intonational structure in Japanese and English. Phonology Yearbook 3: 255-309.
? the experimental analysis of English (and Japanese) intonation that motivated this theoretical framework.
115. References (1) Bartels, C. 1999. The Intonation of English Statements and Questions: A Compositional Interpretation. Garland Press.
Beckman, M.E. 1996. The parsing of prosody. Lang and Cognitive Processes 11: 17-67.
Beckman, M.E. & J. Edwards. 1990. Lengthenings and shortenings and the nature of prosodic constituency. In J. Kingston & M.E. Beckman (eds.) Laboratory Phonology 1: Between the Grammar and Physics of Speech, 152-178. Cambridge University Press.
Beckman, M.E. & G. Ayers Elam. 1993. Guidelines for ToBI labelling. Unpublished manuscript, Ohio State University. http://www.ling.ohio-state.edu/~tobi/ame_tobi/
Beckman, M.E. & J. Hirschberg. 1993. The ToBI annotation conventions. Unpublished manuscipt. http://www.ling.ohio-state.edu/~tobi/ame_tobi/annotation_conventions.html
Beckman, M.E., J. Hirschberg & S. Shattuck-Hufnagel. 2005. The original ToBI system and the evolution of the ToBI framework. In Sun-Ah Jun (ed.) Prosodic Typology: The Phonology of Intonation and Phrasing, pp. 9-54. Oxford Univ Press.
Beckman, M.E. & J. Pierrehumbert. 1986. Intonational structure in Japanese and English. Phonology Yearbook 3: 255-309.
Beckman, M.E. & J. Pierrehumbert. (accepted) A Laboratory Course in Phonology. Basil Blackwell Publishers. [A laboratory course with accompanying data & exercises.]
Bolinger, D. (1972a) Accent is predictable (if youre a mind-reader). Language 48: 633-644.
116. References (2) Bolinger, D. (1972b) Intonation [introduction and chapter 1]. Penguin Books, Ltd. Brugos, A., S. Shattuck-Hufnagel & N. Veilleux. 2006. Transcribing prosodic structure of spoken utterances with ToBI. MIT online course. http://anita.simmons.edu/~tobi/
Dainora, A. 2001. An empirically based probabilistic model of intonation in American English. Doctoral dissertation, University of Chicago. http://www.mit.edu/%7Edainora/diss.pdf
Gussenhoven, C. 2004. The Phonology of Tone and Intonation. Cambridge University Press.
Herman, R. & J.T. McGory. 2002. The conceptual similarity of intonational tones and its effects on intertranscriber reliability. Language and Speech 45: 1-36.
Hirschberg, J. 1993. Pitch accent in context: Predicting intonational prominence from Text. Artificial Intelligence 63: 305-340.
Jun, Sun-Ah (ed). 2005. Prosodic Typology: The Phonology of Intonation and Phrasing. Oxford Univ Press.
Ladd, D.R. 1980. The Structure of Intonational Meaning. Indiana University Press.
Ladd, D.R. 1983. Phonological features of intonational peaks. Language 59: 721-759.
Ladd, D.R. 1996. Intonational Phonology. Cambridge University Press.
117. References (3) Liberman, M. & J. Pierrehumbert. 1984. Intonational variance under changes in pitch range and length. In M. Aronoff & R.T. Oehrle (eds.) Language Sound Structure, pp. 157-233. MIT Press.
Liberman, M. & I. Sag. 1974. Prosodic form and discourse function. Proceedings of CLS, pp. 416-427.
McLemore, C. 1991. The Pragmatic Interpretation of English Intonation: Sorority Speech. Doctoral dissertation, Univ of Texas at Austin.
Pierrehumbert, J. 1980. The Phonology and Phonetics of English Intonation. Doctoral dissertation, MIT.
http://www.ling.northwestern.edu/~jbp/publications/Pierrehumbert_PhD.pdf
Pierrehumbert, J. 1981. Synthesizing intonation. JASA 70:985-995.
Pierrehumbert, J. & M.E. Beckman. 1988. Japanese Tone Structure. MIT Press.
Pierrehumbert, J. & J. Hirschberg. 1990. The meaning of intonational contours in the interpretation of discourse. In P.R. Cohen, J. Morgan & M.E. Pollack (eds.) Intentions in Communication, pp. 271-311. MIT Press.
Pierehumbert, J. & S. Steele. 1989. Categories of tonal alignment in English. Phonetica 46: 181-196.
118. References (4) Pitrelli, J.F., M.E. Beckman and J. Hirschberg. 1994. Evaluation of prosodic transcription reliability in the ToBI framework. ICSLP Proceedings, pp. 123-126. [Available online from ToBI homepage].
Price, P., M. Ostendorf, S. Shattuck-Hufnagel & C. Fong. 1991. The use of prosody in syntactic disambiguation. JASA 90: 2956-2970.
Sag, I. & M. Liberman. 1975. The intonational disambiguation of indirect speech acts. CLS Proceedings, pp. 487-497.
Silverman, K., M. Beckman, J. Pitrelli, M. Ostendorf, C. Wightman, P. Price, J. Pierrehumbert and J. Hirschberg. 1992. ToBI: A standard for labeling English prosody. ICSLP Proceedings. [Available online from ToBI homepage].
Syrdal, A. and J. McGory. 2000. Inter-transcriber reliability of ToBI prosodic labeling. ICSLP Proceedings. [Available online].
van Santen, J.P.H. & J. Hirschberg. 1994. Segmental effects on timing and height of pitch contours. ICSLP Proceedings, pp. 719-721.
Venditti, J.J., J. Hirschberg & J. Liscombe. 2006. Intonational cues to student questions in tutoring dialogs. Proceedings of Interspeech (ICSLP). http://www1.cs.columbia.edu/~jjv/pubs/1407anav.pdf
119. References (5) Ward, G. & J. Hirschberg. 1985. Implicating uncertainty: The pragmatics of fall-rise intonation. Language 61: 747-776. http://www.ling.northwestern.edu/%7Eward/Language85.pdf
Ward, G. & J. Hirschberg. 1988. Intonation and Propositional Attitude: The Pragmatics of L*+H L H%. Proceedings of ESCOL, pp. 512-522. http://www.ling.northwestern.edu/%7Eward/ESCOL88.pdf
Yoon, T.-J., S. Chavarria, J. Cole and M. Hasegawa-Johnson. 2004. Intertranscriber reliability of prosodic labeling on telephone conversation using ToBI. ICSLP Proceedings. [Available online].
121. ToBI tone tier inventory
122. ToBI tone tier inventory
123. ToBI break index tier inventory
124. ToBI break index tier inventory
