1 / 1

4. Predictions & Results

Taking the Epistemic Step. Richard Breheny 1 , Heather J Ferguson 2 , Napoleon Katsos 3. 1 University College London, 2 University of Kent, 3 University of Cambridge r.breheny@ucl.ac.uk, (h.ferguson@kent.ac.uk, nk248@cam.ac.uk. 3. Method 40 participants 40 experimental trials (36 fillers)

aminia
Download Presentation

4. Predictions & Results

An Image/Link below is provided (as is) to download presentation Download Policy: Content on the Website is provided to you AS IS for your information and personal use and may not be sold / licensed / shared on other websites without getting consent from its author. Content is provided to you AS IS for your information and personal use only. Download presentation by click this link. While downloading, if for some reason you are not able to download a presentation, the publisher may have deleted the file from their server. During download, if you can't get a presentation, the file might be deleted by the publisher.

E N D

Presentation Transcript


  1. Taking the Epistemic Step Richard Breheny1, Heather J Ferguson2, Napoleon Katsos3 1University College London, 2University of Kent, 3University of Cambridge r.breheny@ucl.ac.uk, (h.ferguson@kent.ac.uk, nk248@cam.ac.uk • 3. Method • 40 participants • 40 experimental trials (36 fillers) • Within-subjects (XXY, XX/Y, XX, X/X, XY) design • Order of description rotated so first-mentioned X move is last-occurring X move 50% of time • Fillers include first mention of conjunction • Order of transfer locations was counterbalanced across trials • Calculated probability of fixating Target vs. Alternative box as a function of time: log(P(Target) / P(Alternative)) • 1. Introduction • Conversational implicatures can be accessed on-line (Breheny et al., 2006; Sedivy et al., 1999) • This includes Quantity Implicatures. E.g., • 1. a. John ate some of the cookies • ==> b. John did not eat all of the cookies • 2. a. John put a book on the shelf • ==> b. John put nothing else on the shelf • A sample Gricean derivation for [2b] is given in (I-V) below: • For all [2a] means, John could have put many other things on the shelf. • Given that the speaker is telling me what John put on the shelf and that he gives as much information as is relevant… • …this must be all the speaker knows on the question. • The speaker knows the full answer to the question • [2b] • This Gricean account has been challenged (Levinson, 2000; Chierchia et al., 2009) and questioned as the basis for on-line access of implicatures, given the rapidity of effects that have been found (Sedivy, 2003). • Previously, we established that QIslike [2] are accessed on-line by passing through step II above (Breheny et al., 2009) • Here we explore if QIs as in [2] are only derived where IV can be assumed – the Epistemic Step • 4. Predictions & Results • In line with Breheny et al. (2009), we predict a Target bias prior to disambiguating information “A/B” in XXY items • If Epistemic Step is really necessary, we predict no bias in XX/Y items • ANOVA • From [object] onset: Sig. difference between all conditions [all Fs > 5.99] • 2. The Study • Interactive visual world study • Two communicators watched short videos on separate computer monitors and then described the events to each other • After 8 practice trials where roles are rotated, the ‘speaker’ (confederate) and ‘hearer’ are chosen for rest of the trials • The Twist: On half the trials a screen blocked the speakers’ (but not the listeners’) view part-way through the video; Both communicators were explicitly aware of this manipulation • One-samplet-tests • From [object] onset: bias to correct target in XXY [ts > 2.69] • No bias in XX/Y condition [ts < 1.78] • Paired t-tests • Across all regions: No sig. difference between XX and XX/Y [all ts < 1.17]

More Related