AN OVERVIEW

1. Gender and cultural based violence and widowhood rituals in Ghana and its effects on women’s reproductive health rights Oral Presentation #263 By: Dr. Francess D. Azumah @ the Penn –ICOWH18th Congress: Cities and Women’s Health: Global Perspectives in Philadelphia, USA 7th -10th April, 2010

4. AN OVERVIEW • INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY • PROBLEM STATEMENT • OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY • METHODOLOGY • PART I: THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF WIDOWHOOD RITUALS IN GHANA • PART II: WIDOWHOOD RITUALS A FORM OF GENDER BASED VIOLENCE, AND ITS EFFECTS ON WOMEN’S REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH • SUMMARY ,CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

5. INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY • Gender issues are human right issues and these cut across all sectors of society, regardless of the economic, political and social context. It needs emphasizing that the human rights of men and women, boys and girls are an inalienable, integral and indivisible part of the universal human rights, as set out in the United Nation's 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights. • Until recent times there had been a silence that surrounded Gender and Cultural Based Violence (GCBV) and a resistance by international agencies to address it because of the cultural differences in relation to challenging existing local norms .

6. GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE (GBV) • Gender-based violence refers to “any harm that is perpetrated against a person's will; that has a negative impact on the physical or psychological health , development, and identity of the person; and that is the result of gendered power inequities that exploit distinctions between males and females, among males and among females,” (Ward, 2002). • Although not exclusive to women and girls, GBV principally affects them across all cultures. • Violence may be physical, sexual, psychological, economic, or socio-cultural.

7. Gender-based violence often takes place in the private sphere, and women and men as social actors each experience a form of violence, both as victims and as perpetrators based on their gender identities in society. • Gender-based violence is an articulation of, or an enforcement of, power hierarchies and structural inequalities that are informed by belief systems, cultural norms and socialization processes.

8. CULTURAL BASED VIOLENCE • Many cultures have beliefs, norms and social institutions that legitimize and therefore perpetuate violence against women. Such violence cannot be understood in isolation from the norms, social structure and gender roles within the community, which greatly influence women’s vulnerability to violence. • Human behaviours and cultural values , have meaning and fulfill a function for those who practice them. However, there is a growing awareness that harmful traditional values and practices act as a root cause for discrimination and violence especially against women and girls across the globe most especially in developing countries.

9. CULTURAL-BASED VIOLENCE • It is believed that people will change their behaviour when they understand the hazards and indignity of harmful practices and when they realize that it is possible to give up harmful practices without giving up meaningful aspects of their culture. • Cultural based violence includes a wide range of traditional values and practices that are considered harmful to men and women. According to Article 1(g) of the Protocol to the African Charter, "Harmful Practices" means all behaviour, attitudes and/or practices which negatively affect the fundamental rights of women and girls, such as their right to life, health, dignity, education and physical integrity” (Art 1(g))

10. GCBV disempowers and disables women and men . The importance of addressing GCBV is therefore not only related to the physical, social and psychological well-being of women and girls, but also to the economic and social welfare of any community and nation. • It has an indirect but dramatic impact on the individual, the country’s health care system , and places a serve burden on the national workforce.

11. It is against this background that over the last two and half decades the issue of Gender and Cultural Based Violence (GCBV) have gained international attention and national recognition with a growing awareness that these practices act as a root cause for discrimination and gender inequality in society which not only affects the women, but slows down the growth and development of nations. • Gender and Cultural Based Violence (GCBV) is an abuse of human rights, and the failure to address it risks the accusations that governments and international organizations are insensitive to social and cultural practices that encroach on women’s rights.

12. In reaffirming the UN’s Charter on Human Rights, CEDAW for instance emphasising the cultural issues, in Article 2(f) enjoins governments: • “To condemn discrimination against women in all its forms,…., agree to pursue by all appropriate means and without delay a policy of elimination of discrimination against women and to take all appropriate measures, including legislation to modify or abolish existing laws, regulations, customs and practices which constitute discrimination against women”.

13. It further states in Article 5(a) that appropriate measures should be taken: • “to modify the social and cultural patterns of conduct of men and women, with a view of achieving the elimination of prejudices, customary and all practices which are based on the idea of the inferiority or the superiority of either of these sexes or on stereotyped roles for men and women”.

14. It is based on the world’s recognition of Women’s Rights as a major component of the International Human Rights that had led to the interrogation of the issues of widowhood rituals , if Ghana has signed and ratified most international mandates on human Rights as enshrined in its Constitution and national law, as part of making serious commitments to uphold, protect and respect the rights of human dignity of vulnerable groups which women are inclusive.

15. Ghana is making stride towards the promotion of women rights with the passing of the Domestic Violence Act 732, having the Criminal Code , and institutions such as the Commission of Human Rights and Administrative Justice(CHRAJ), Domestic Violence and Victims Support Unit (DOVVSU), Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs (MOWAC) and many others. However,  gender is highly structured by traditional beliefs and practices that shape women’s social, political, economic and other roles and benefits, affecting their human rights.

16. Within Ghana’s socio-cultural context, women traditionally have been regarded as inferior to men. This perception still persists today because of the societal transmission of culture (socialisation process), which instils in its members male superiority. • The gendered ideology of women being inferior to men had been engrafted into the systems and the very fabric of the society, giving power and authority to men and disadvantaging women. This makes them more vulnerable to the various systems and process. • Culture demands that the widow undergoes certain traditional mourning rituals before and after the burial of her spouse. In most Ghanaian communities, the widowhood rites initially, were aimed at driving away the ghosts of the deceased. However, this had taken a new dimension and its effects have been described to some extent as dehumanizing,(Wood, 2008).

17. This paper examines the nature and extent of widowhood rituals as a form of Gender and Cultural Based Violence and its effects on Women’s Reproductive Health rights. It is presented in two parts. • The first part provides a description on the nature and extent of widowhood rituals: that is the rituals and the treatment of women; • the second part examines the ritual as a form of Gender and Cultural Based Violence and its effects on women health.

18. STATEMENT OF PROBLEM • In Ghanaian culture, important practices exist which celebrate life-cycle transitions, perpetuate community cohesion, or transmit traditional values to subsequent generations. • While many traditions promote social cohesion and unity, others erode the physical and psychological health and integrity of individuals, particularly women. • Ghana with over 66 ethnic groups has different customs and practices which make them a unique people in their own rights.

19. However, having a commitment to upholding and protecting the rights and dignity of its citizens as enshrined in its own Constitution and other legal instruments both international and national, ; by the elimination of cultural and traditional practices that are regarded as dehumansing / harmful to women, the questions are: • What is the nature and extent of widowhood practices in Ghana? • What are the reasons that underpin their performance? • Does the practising of these customs as part of Ghanaian Culture really have any impact on women’s reproductive health status? • Does the performance of these customs have any health implication on women? • Are women as ‘actors’ and ‘victims’ of such practices aware of the health implications?

20. Objectives of the Study • The study examines the widowhood rituals as a form of Gender based violence and its effects on women’s reproductive health in Ghana. Specifically it seeks to • Examine the nature and extent of widowhood rituals in Ghana. • Examine the reasons that underpin the performance of these practices by women. • Find out whether the practicing of these have any health implication on women • Find out whether women as ‘actors’ and ‘victims’ of such practices are aware of the health implications. • Make some recommendations.

21. Methodology • The Explorative study combined empirically both qualitative and quantitative research methods with much emphasis on the qualitative. The survey was conducted in Kumasi, the second largest city in Ghana with a population of about 1,517,000. • A purposive non-probability sample strategy was adopted in this study, with the use of snowballing. With a sample size of 60, the study dealt with a heterogeneous group made up of 44 women and 16 men. The core respondents of this group were 24 women who were widows and the remaining as key informant and comprised the size for the Focus Group Discussion

22. TYPE OF RESPONDENTS Participants in the focus group were purposefully selected on the premise that they had a shared experience that is personal or through a close relative ( i.e. lost a parent, sibling, spouse, close family member, an in-law) or had a close friend who had encountered such tragedy

23. Socio-Demographic Profile Widows : The data on age of the respondents showed that with an age range of between 31 – 85 years, the majority 63% (15) of the widows were between 50 and 60 years of age . The age patterns of the respondents showed that majority of the women were beyond their prime years. Marital status showed that majority 54% (13) of the respondent had been married for more than 30 years and had more than six children with their deceased spouse

24. Respondents’ ethnic background showed that majority (67% ) were Akans, 21% Mole-Dagbani, and Ewes and Ga-Adangbes constituting 12 %. The ethnic background of the deceased showed that majority (61%) of them had been married to Akans, while 22% had been married to Mole-Dagbani and a few Ewes and Ga-Adangbes. The data on religion showed that there were more Christians (54%) than Muslems (33%).

25. Education and occupational status • The educational background of respondents showed that majority (83%), had some form of formal education, with a few (17%) being illiterates. • Their employment status showed that majority of the respondents had been working; 13% were unemployed.

26. PART ONE:THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF WIDOWHOOD RITUALS IN GHANA • Widowhood is caused by death and death on its part is as a result of some factors such as : diseases , illnesses , accidents, old age, afflictions or attacks, all of which finally result in death. • In Ghana the death of a spouse is viewed as a serious matter which involves the observance of a series of rituals and ceremonies all meant to signify the separation of the deceased spouse spiritually from the surviving spouse. These include the following: confinement, dethronement, proof of innocence, defacement, ritual cleansing and many others. • The widow is expected under customary law to carry out these practices for a lengthy period of up to one year.

27. Confinement / Restriction of Movement : Majority (79%) of respondents stated that they were confined in a room (under lock) alone for some days (most of which was 6 days, before one week celebration), or with corpse alone (over night/ some hours before being laid in state). This was what one of the respondents indicated:   ‘… from the night before Nana was laid in state officially[open to public], I was asked to sit beside the corpse for three days . He was laid in state on Monday night to Thursday, before the final burial where all the chiefs had to swear allegiance to him . I had to be in the room every night alone with him till the next morning. The ‘abrafor’ which means ‘executioners’, at night stayed outside and guard the locked door…’ She added that ... ‘it was only during the day that I was allowed to have company from my relative who sat with me beside the corpse. The only moment l was allowed to leave the body was when I was to go and mourn him publicly outside with the women or attend natures call …’ (70 years)

28. Confinement/Seclusion of widows.

29. Dethronement: Sitting posture

30. Sitting posture (…cont’d). Widows are made to sit on mat around the corpse whiles laid in state .

31. The majority 67% indicated that they slept on mats without pillows, while 13% were provided a stone for pillow. • All respondents indicated that , they were asked to sit in an uncomfortable position on reed mats. These women had to sit for long hours all day with their legs stretched in front of them and seldom were they given the opportunity to stand and stretch their tired legs except they were getting up to mourn. • Among the Northern tribes in Ghana, it is reported that, widows have to spend the night outside sitting on a mat with only leaves covering their private parts, (Public Agenda 19 June 2006; CBC 7 July 2004).

32. The underlying purpose of the change in both sleeping and sitting conditions of widows symbolises the dethronement of their marital status as princesses who enjoyed all the luxury and comfort of their home. The process is to indicate their fallen status. Restriction on Freedom of Communication: • Respondents indicated that during the period of mourning they were not allowed to communicate freely (speak) with people in public this included exchange of greeting through hand shake. All communication was done through the family linguist or in his absence an elderly relative present (woman). They were given a stone or traditionally prepared flowers to hold to prevent hand shaking in public.

33. Dethronement :Sleeping conditions of Respondents.

34. Restriction on Freedom of communication This widow is holding a traditionally prepared flower in her hands to prevent handshake while mourning.

35. Spontaneous /Forced to wail under duress • Grief is the most common reaction of any widow. All respondents indicated that they could not hold back their grief anytime they thought about the loss of their husband. • However, the majority 92 % stated that they were pressured to cry under various situations, these included: anytime sympathisers came to offer their condolence; when their in-laws were around, or visited the family home of their spouse; led the possession of women to mourn through the town, at the funeral ground and when the body was laid in state. • Some respondents indicated they encountered the wrath of their in-laws and relatives, when they were exhausted and could no longer wail. They underwent situation such as : verbal insult, hackling, pushing, dragging , and had liquid substance (pepper/ginger/ water) thrown on them. This was intended to inflict pain on them, to compel them to weep.

36. Forced to Wail Under scorching sun This widow is being directed to wail under the scorching sun as she get the support of elder women

37. This was what a respondent had to say: • I had to cry every moment, everyday, from the day he died. I wept I mean real weeping [weeping in dirges]. I was just exhausted, but they did not let me stop. On the day when he was brought from the morgue, I was very sick, weak and exhausted and couldn’t wail as expected. My in-laws really rained insults on me and my family, claiming I had killed him… ‘I know what I did to their son, ... why am I quiet? ... I should weep’... As if that was not enough, the younger sister of my husband and one of her aunts from nowhere threw a bucket of water on me. My mother and some of my relatives got wet in the process. I was really soaked all over… the pain and humiliation, I just couldn’t bear it but broke down weeping and shivering… she and the others knew I wasn’t well… my relatives encouraged me by weeping with me (54 years, Akan)

38. A Widow Mourns the husband who is laid in state

39. Prove of Innocence/ Forced Confession • A major dehumanising treatment that widows go through is when they are suspected to have had a hand in their husbands death (i.e. accused of being a witch) or even being unfaithful in their marital relation. • About 80% of respondents indicated that they had been subjected to one or several forms of rituals just to prove their innocence. • These included the drinking of concoction prepared by the chief priest and family elders, which usually involves water used for washing the corpse, from the same calabash used for the corpse. • The most serious was being left to spend the night alone naked with the dead body under darkness and lock.

40. As part of the confession process in the Upper West region the widow’s body is exposed to black ants. Bitten by black ants would be considered an indication that the widow had been unfaithful to her late husband. • Among most ethnic groups in the Upper East, the widow is required to drink the corpse's bath water and jump over the grave. • Among the Bimobas in the Upper East Region of Ghana, after a soothsayer is consulted to find out the cause of death, the widow is sent out of the room naked and given some concoction to drink. • According to an article from Public Agenda, throwing hot and cold water at the widow is said to be a practice that occurs in the KasenaNankana District and that, if the widow is burned, it is an indication that she was unfaithful to her husband, (19 June 2006).

41. Eating Pattern: Starvation and Ceremonial Food Loss of a loved one, goes with loss of appetite; yet respondents said their eating patterns were altered under strict supervision as they were not allowed to eat anything of their choice. Such alterations include: • to fast for the first week (6 days); given only eggs to eat three times a day instead of meat until the 40th day; not eating any root-crop food - yam, cassava, and cocoyam. • Even when the widow is eating, no sound from anybody crying nor beating of drum should be heard else she is denied the food.Some people take pleasure in this to make noise when they see that her food is ready, (PACODEP, 2008). This was what a respondents had to say: ‘Even when I was thirsty, I was asked to sip water; the intake of liquids were reduced because it was believed that it would cause me to be urinating a lot [since]Ihad to be seated and not get up often.’

42. Defacement : Ceremonial Dressing Respondents indicated that they had to do the following: put on the traditional mourning cloth (black cloth) for a year even after burial; not supposed to put on any jewellery nor wear make-ups before or after burial and for a year, just to signify their status of mourning. • A rope is tied around their neck to restrict their movement during burial ceremony; or a rope with padlock around their waist to signify they were not supposed to have sexual intercourse; or a small bell around their ankle for a year. • No undergarment - panties/ briefs; but a small piece of cloth that hanged on the rope underneath.

43. Removal of ‘aggrey’ beads given to them by their husbands on marriage; and wearing of “danta” or “amoase”: that is a small piece of cloth used to cover the private part. • a piece of cloth tied to their breasts. • ceremonial necklace made of sea shells or traditional leaves and their body smeared with red clay (ntwoma) and raffia tied around the wrist or waist in some cases. • wear black clothes; her hair would not be shaved and would walk bare-footed for six months.

44. Some Forms Of Ceremonial Dressing This widow tied a piece of cloth to the breast and has raffia tied around the arm.

45. Women in low-cut hair dyed in Charcoal, with red clay smeared on their bodies and wearing traditional leave necklace

46. Ceremonial Bath • Respondents indicated that as part of the rituals, they were asked to perform ceremonial bath until after burial: bath three times a day without soap; 38% of respondents bathed in public under supervision, while 62% bathed indoor. Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) reported that the ritual of stripping the widow is common in Ghana's Upper East region, and that in some cases the widow is "taken out to bathe near a rubbish dump" while hot and cold water are thrown at her, sometimes resulting in her being scalded, (7 July 2004). • Women and Orphans Ministry(WOM) identified that widows are stripped naked and put shea tree leaves on their bodies; having her bathe naked in public(Accra Daily Mail May 2004).

47. Personal hygiene • Among some ethnic groups, the practice is that the widow must sit on the floor and eat with unwashed hands and calabash. • If the kins family women see her attempting secretly to attend to her personal hygiene, she might be whipped, spat upon and scolded that she is attempting to beautify herself so as to attract men and may be accused of being responsible for her husband's death.

48. Burial Rituals • Respondents indicated that customarily they had to provide items for bathing (adwade) the late husband; these includes: soap, pillow, blanket, bucket, underwear and items for the burial (adesedie) • 29% of respondents indicated that their husband’s family demanded a sheep to be slaughtered as part of the rituals. • They bid their final farewell by using signifiers such as going ahead of the burial procession and throw the flower , stone , or break the ceremonial pot . This they do without looking back as they return home.

49. Carrying and Throwing of Ceremonial Pot / signifier: Bidding Farewell

50. The Final Breaking of the Marital Bond When the widows are asked whether they were told to sleep with an unknown man whom their sister-in-laws would provide; most respondents refused to comment on this issue. However, all respondents indicated that they always had to place a male shoe in front of their door to indicate spiritually that they had a man in their room at night to drive away the spirit of their late husband. It is evident that some of the mourning rites may include "ritual cleansing" through sex with designated individuals. The widow has to sleep with an unknown man and must have unprotected sexual intercourse with him. These could be the "first stranger met on the road" or brother-in-law, or the heir (IRB, 2003; Pacodep, 2006). This was confirmed by the key informants and participants in focus group.