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Morp hological Complexity in Maltese: A divergence from canonicity

Morp hological Complexity in Maltese: A divergence from canonicity. M MM8 Maris Camilleri maris.camilleri@surrey.ac.uk. Morphological Complexity. Binyanim system -------------------------- Issues related with the traditional perceptions on the Maltese binyanim system.

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Morp hological Complexity in Maltese: A divergence from canonicity

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  1. Morphological Complexity in Maltese: A divergence from canonicity MMM8 Maris Camilleri maris.camilleri@surrey.ac.uk

  2. Morphological Complexity Binyanim system -------------------------- Issues related with the traditional perceptions on the Maltese binyanim system Paradigm-Internal ------------------------ Focuses on what differences exist from the canonical paradigm

  3. syllable-structure alternations • e.g. laqat – laqt – lqat

  4. syllable-structure alternations • e.g. laqat – laqt – lqat • ablaut-changes • e.g. mār – mūr

  5. syllable-structure alternations • e.g. laqat – laqt – lqat • ablaut-changes • e.g. mār – mūr • stress-shifts • e.g. wàqaf – waqàf

  6. syllable-structure alternations • e.g. laqat – laqt – lqat • ablaut-changes • e.g. mār – mūr • stress-shifts • e.g. wàqaf – waqàf • ablaut-compounding • e.g. wèħel – weħìl

  7. syllable-structure alternations • e.g. laqat – laqt – lqat • ablaut-changes • e.g. mār – mūr • stress-shifts • e.g. wàqaf – waqàf • stem-extensions • e.g ħass – ħassē

  8. What to do with this non-canonicity:

  9. What to do with this non-canonicity: GENERAL • Understand the complexity existing in the morphological component • Understand the relations and patterns involved across and within paradigms

  10. What to do with this non-canonicity: • L-Specific • Classify Maltese verbs on the basis of their surface representation

  11. What to do with this non-canonicity: • Classify Maltese verbs on the basis of their surface representation • See how Semitic Maltese differs from non-Semitic Maltese, if at all

  12. What to do with this non-canonicity: • Classify Maltese verbs on the basis of their surface representation • See how Semitic Maltese differs from non-Semitic Maltese, if at all • This morphological complexity also displays dialectal variation

  13. What to do with this non-canonicity: • Classify Maltese verbs on the basis of their surface representation • See how Semitic Maltese differs from non-Semitic Maltese, if at all • This morphological complexity also displays dialectal variation • Contribute to the Semitic literature, the importance of stem analyses, and what can we do with them

  14. Maltese binyanim system: • Derivation • Traditional scholars: • Borg (1988), • Borg & Azzopardi-Alexander (1997), • Borg & Mifsud (1999), • Aquilina (1973)

  15. Maltese binyanim system: • Derivation • Traditional scholars: • Borg (1988), • Borg & Azzopardi-Alexander (1997), • Borg & Mifsud (1999), • Aquilina (1973) • Active-Passive

  16. Maltese binyanim system: • Derivation • Traditional scholars: • Borg (1988), • Borg & Azzopardi-Alexander (1997), • Borg & Mifsud (1999), • Aquilina (1973) • Active-Passive • Hoberman & Aronoff (2003)

  17. 1. *Ħabbej[I]-t-hom ma’ xulxin love-1.SG-3.PL.ACC with each other *I love them with each other2. Ħabbej[II]-t-hom/ħabbib-t-hom ma’ xulxin made.love-1.SG-3.PL.ACC with each other I made them love each other

  18. ħasel ‘wash’ I - n-ħasel ? VII

  19. ħasel ‘wash’ I - n-ħasel ? VII 3a. It-tarbija n-ħasl-et DEF-baby.SG.F mrkr-washed-3.SG.F #The baby washed The baby was washed

  20. ħasel ‘wash’ I - n-ħasel ? VII 3a. It-tarbija n-ħasl-et DEF-baby.SG.F mrkr-washed-3.SG.F #The baby washed The baby was washed b. It-tifel n-ħasel DEF-boy mrkr-washed The boy washed

  21. ħasel ‘wash’ I - n-ħasel ? VII 3a. It-tarbija n-ħasl-et DEF-baby.SG.F mrkr-washed-3.SG.F #The baby washed The baby was washed b. It-tifel n-ħasel DEF-boy mrkr-washed The boy washed c. It-tifel n-ħaselb’barmilżebgħa DEF-boy mrkr-washed with.bucket paint liwaqa’ fuq-u COMP fell.3.SG.M on-3.SG.M.ACC The boy was washed with a bucket of paint that fell on him

  22. t- NOT PASSIVE

  23. t- NOT PASSIVE • t-kellem ‘speak’

  24. t- NOT PASSIVE • t-kellem ‘speak’ • t-kellem ma’ ‘with’…

  25. t- NOT PASSIVE • t-kellem ‘speak’ • t-kellem ma’ ‘with’… • *t-kellemminn X ‘from X’ • (as agent by-phrase)

  26. t- NOT PASSIVE • t-għallem ‘learn’

  27. t- NOT PASSIVE • t-għallem ‘learn’ • a. t-għallem j-i-lgħab ma’ l-oħrajn • VAL-mrkr-learn.3.SG.M 3.SG.M-play with DEF-others • ‘He learnt how to play with others’

  28. t- NOT PASSIVE • t-għallem ‘learn’ • a. t-għallem j-i-lgħab ma’ l-oħrajn • VAL-mrkr-learn.3.SG.M 3.SG.M-play with DEF-others • ‘He learnt how to play with others’ • b. t-għallemminnomm-u • VAL-mrkr-learn from mother-3.SG.M.ACC • *‘He was taught from his mother’

  29. t- NOT PASSIVE • t-għallem ‘learn’ • a. t-għallem j-i-lgħab ma’ l-oħrajn • VAL-mrkr-learn.3.SG.M 3.SG.M-play with DEF-others • ‘He learnt how to play with others’ • b. t-għallemminnomm-u • VAL-mrkr-learn from mother-3.SG.M.ACC • *He was taught from his mother’ • c. t-għallemmingħandomm-u • VAL-mrkr-learn from mother-3.SG.M.ACC • ‘He learnt from his mother’

  30. t- NOT PASSIVE • t-kellem ‘speak’ • t-għallem ‘learn’ • t-fisser ‘mean’ • t-fewwaq ‘burp’

  31. Tfisser≠ġie m-fisser ‘came.3.SG.M PASS.prt-explain’

  32. Tfisser≠ġie m-fisser • ‘came.3.SG.M PASS.prt-explain’ tgħallem ≠ ġie mgħallem • ‘came.3.SG.M PASS.prt-thought’

  33. n- NOT PASSIVE: Real evidence • ta ‘give’ – I

  34. n- NOT PASSIVE: Real evidence • ta ‘give’ – I • n-agħta ‘was given’ – VII

  35. n- NOT PASSIVE: Real evidence • ta ‘give’ – I • nagħta ‘was given’ – VII • ġie mogħti ‘was given’ – Periphrastic

  36. n- NOT PASSIVE: Real evidence • ta ‘give’ – I • nagħta ‘was given’ – VII • ġie mogħti ‘was given’ – Periphrastic • ġie nagħtat

  37. n- NOT PASSIVE: Real evidence • ta ‘give’ – I • nagħta ‘was given’ – VII • ġie mogħti ‘was given’ – Periphrastic • ġie nagħtat

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