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Phonetic correlates of vowel-less syllables in Berber

Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia – Barcelona 2005. Phonetic correlates of vowel-less syllables in Berber. Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane LPP – Paris 3 CNRS 19, rue des Bernardins 75005 Paris. Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane. Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia 2005.

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Phonetic correlates of vowel-less syllables in Berber

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  1. Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia – Barcelona 2005 Phonetic correlates of vowel-less syllables in Berber Cécile Fougeron & Rachid RidouaneLPP – Paris 3 CNRS19, rue des Bernardins75005 Paris Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane

  2. Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia 2005 Tashlhiyt Berber: A case study In Tashlhiyt Berber (TB), it is claimed that ANY consonant can be syllabic even a voiceless stop (Dell & Elmedlaoui 1985, 1988, 2002, Prince & Smolensky 1993, Zec 1995, Clements 1997). • Examples • Voiced fricative : /t-sbt/ [ts.bt] « you paint » • Voiceless fricative : /t-sti/ [ts.ti] « she chooses » • Voiced stop : /t-g½ra/ [tg.ru] « she takes » • Voiceless stop : /t-kti/ [tk.ti] «she remembers» Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane

  3. Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia 2005 Is /tk/ a well formed syllable in TB? 2.Are these long consonant sequences organized into syllables?(in which even voiceless stops may serve as nuclei). • Do long voiceless, vowel-less sequences exist? • (underlyingly and at the surface) Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane

  4. Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia 2005 Voiceless, vowel-less syllable in TB • Absence of voicing and of schwa vowels in underlyingly voiceless sequences was shown in Ridouane (2003) through: • acoustic, • fiberscopic, • photoelectroglottographic and • phonological analyses. • Particular data attested in TB were dealt with: • ks ‘to feed on’ • sf ‘to fade away’ • t-kf ‘it is dried’ • t-ft-t=stt ‘you rolled it (fem)’ • t-ss-kf-t=stt ‘you dried it (fem)’ Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane

  5. Illustration of the states of the glottis during the production of [tsskft] « you dried » by R_R

  6. Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia 2005 Evidence for syllable organization • Native linguist intuitions (e.g. Elmedlaoui, Boukous, Jebbour, Ridouane). 2. Some morphologically governed alternations (e.g. Imperfective gemination) are captured by assuming the syllabification of consonant sequences. (Dell & Elmedlaoui 1988, 2002, Jebbour 1995, 1996). 3. Versification (syllabification in word sequences sung to a tune). (Jouad 1983, Dell & Elmedlaoui 2002). See Coleman (1996, 1999, 2001 for a different view) Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane

  7. Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia 2005 Versification: an example • Rrays M. Albnsir (70ies)* * The text is available on the website : www.azawan.com CV Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane

  8. Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia 2005 How is a sequence syllabified? • Assignment of nuclear status is determined mainly by the relative sonority of the elements in the sequence. Ex. /t-sti/ [ts.ti] « she chose » /ngn/ [n.gn] « we slept » • The sonority requirement is not, however, sufficient (the prohibition against complex codas, hiatus avoidance). • E.g. i.sa.wl although [l] is less sonorous than the semi-vowel. • Syllable types : CV, CVC, CC, CCC See Dell & Elmedlaoui (2002) Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane

  9. Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia 2005 Question 1 1. Do obstruent syllabic consonants display acoustic or articulatory properties that distinguish them from their non syllabic counterparts? • Syllabic consonants are said to be longer than their non-syllabic counterparts(Price 1980, Clark & Yallop 1995, but see Toft 2002 for different results) • Syllabic consonants are also commonly interpreted as sequences of +C, where • schwa occupies the syllable nucleus • (see Coleman 1996, 1999, 2001 for TB). Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane

  10. Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia 2005 Question 2 Previous work 2. Does the syllable structure of the vowel-less sequences translate into particular organizational properties of articulatory gestures? • Browman et al. (1998) addressed the same questions using EMMA: • Consonant gestures bearing an onset-nucleus relation are more • strongly bonded than a heterosyllabic sequence. Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane

  11. 1. Syllabic consonants may not necessarily surface with additional acoustic or articulatory make-up (compared to their non-syllabic counterparts). 2.BUT, their syllabic status could translate into particular properties related to their perceptual ‘recoverability’, (i.e. their preservation within the consonant sequence): by showing specific pattern of stability in their phonetic properties (e.g. by being less variable across multiple repetitions or across speech rates) by showing specific pattern of coordination with adjacent consonants. the position and the relationship between the elements of a vowel-less syllable would be predicted to surface in a particular shaping of articulatory patterns (as shown in different languages and for more classical syllable structures). Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005 Our hypothesis… Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane

  12. Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005 Our hypothesis tested To test this hypothesis, the articulatory characteristics of vowel-less syllables will be examined by looking at the linguopalatal articulation of consonant sequences, using Electropalatography (EPG 3) A technique showing the evolution of linguopaltal contact over time & space Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane

  13. Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005 Design of experiment Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane

  14. Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005 Design of experiment Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane

  15. Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005 Procedure and results • C2 Properties: • Presence of schwa vowel (1), Durational (2), Spatial (3), and Dynamic (4) properties of C2. C1 C2 C3 O N . O N C . O N . O N • Coordination patterns: • C2-C3 coordination (N.O vs C.O) • C1-C2 coordination (O.N vs N.C) • 1 & 2: • quantitative value of the property measured • stability of this property, i.e. variability of the measurement across the 12 repetitions.

  16. Properties of C2 (nucleus vs. non nucleus) C1 C2 C3 O N . O N C . O N . O N

  17. Measurements: frequency of occurrence of ‘schwa’ (vowel-like voiced periods and/or formant structure) before C2. t g n Occurrence of schwa vowel before C2 onset in /t-gn/ “she slept” Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005 (1)Presence of schwa before C2 nucleus Question: Are nucleus consonants realized as a / +C/ sequence? (Coleman, 1996, 2001)

  18. Results C1 C2 C3 O N . O N C . O N . O N C2 = /k/ C2 = /g/ Frequency of occurrence of schwa before C2 tk.ti tk.sa tk.nu tg.za tg.nu tg.Di nk.ti nk.sa nk.nu ng.za ng.nu ng.Di *n.kt n.ks *n.kn *n.gz n.gn n.gD • Occurrence of schwa is not conditionned by the syllabicity of C2: • Occurrence of schwa before /g/ nucleus is less frequent than before /g/ onset or coda. • /k/ nucleus is never preceded by a vocoid.

  19. Measurements: • Duration of C2 acoustic hold (i.e. without burst) & its variability across repetitions • Duration of C2 linguopalatal closure & its variability across repetitions Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005 (2)Durational properties of C2 Question: Are nucleus consonants longer than their non-nucleus counterparts? (Price 1980)

  20. Results C1 C2 C3 O N . O N C . O N . O N • Syllabic consonants are not longer than their non syllabic counterparts: onset or coda. • They are notmore stable in duration neither (same variability) No significant differences were found in acoustic or articulatory durations of C2 depending on syllabic status.

  21. Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005 (3)Spatial properties of C2 Question: Are nucleus consonants articulated differently (allophones, strengthening )? => do they differ from their non-syllabic counterparts in terms of size or location of the linguopalatal contact area? Measurements: 1. Frequency of occurrence of consonants with or without a full velar closure on the EPG profile. Lack of complete back closure: => closure is more posterior (not visible on the palate) => the stop is lenited

  22. Results 1 % of realizations with full velar closure C1 C2 C3 O N . O N C . O N . O N Nucleus consonants are more frequently produced with a visible full velar closure compared to onsets or codas (esp. for /k/). C2 = /g/ C2 = /k/

  23. Results 2 Measurements: 2. For the cases showing full velar closure, differences in the amount of linguopalatal contact in the velar region as function of C2 status? Defined velar region • C2 nucleus is not articulated with a greater amount of contact than C2 coda or onset. • No consistent difference in the variability across repetitions • were observed neither.

  24. Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005 (3)Dynamic properties of C2 Question: Do nucleus consonants differ in the dynamic properties of their articulatory movements? In Articulatory Phonology, vocalic gestures are specified with a smaller stiffness (i.e. take longer to reach their target) than consonant gestures. Will syllabic consonants behave as vowels? Recall that we are not dealing with articulatory movements per se. EPG = measure of contact between the tongue and the palate, does not show the movement of the tongue. The articulatory events considered can be related, but are not identical, to the ones observed with movement tracking techniques.

  25. Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005 (3)Dynamic properties of C2 Measurements: • ‘stiffness’: time from the onset of contact in the velar region (‘velar movement onset’) to the frame with maximum contact (‘velar target’) • ‘velocity’: slope of the evolution in the contact profile (‘velar movement’) from onset of contact to maximum of contact max slope onset time

  26. The time taken to reach the ‘target’ is shorter for nuclei than for onsets or codas (stiffness is higher) (this is comparable to Browman et al.’ (1998) results for nucleus /r/) • The slope of the ‘movement’ is sharper for nuclei (velocity is higher). slope time Results (same displacement) vs. C2 Nucleus C2 Coda or Onset Higher stiffness and velocity is opposite to what would be expected if nucleusconsonants were to share vowel properties.

  27. Patterns of coordination between consonants C1 C2 C3 O N . O N C . O N . O N

  28. Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005 Coordination b/w nucleus and adjacent Cs Questions: Does the pattern of coordination between adjacent consonants differ according to the syllabic status of C2? • Absolute latencies: are articulatory events of the nucleus consonant aligned later in time relative to the adjacent consonants? • Amount of overlap: are nuclei less overlapped by adjacent consonants? • Variability: is the articulatory timing between nucleus and adjacent consonants more stable across repetitions? Measurements: 1. absolute latencies, i.e. delay between particular acoustic or articulatory events (‘onset of epg closure’, ‘onset of contact’ in the velar or alveolar regions) 2. amount of overlap between velar and adjacent alveolar consonants 3.variability of these measurements across repetitions

  29. C2 Alveolar region Velar region ms. C1 overlap C1 closure overlap Sequence overlap (C1+C2) Illustration (C1-C2 coordination) C1-C2 overlap: time during which EPG contact occur in both velar and alveolar regions (i.e. the front articulation of C1 co-occur with the back articulation for C2. Contact profile: % of contact over time in specific regions C1 C3

  30. C1 C2 C3 % Alveolar region Velar region C2 overlap C2 closure duration ms. Sequence overlap (C2+C3) Illustration (C2-C3 coordination) C2-C3 overlap: time during which EPG contact occur in both velar and alveolar regions (i.e. the front articulation of C3 co-occur with the back articulation for C2. Contact profile: % of contact over time in specific regions

  31. Less overlap between a Nucleus and a following Onset (holds for ‘C2 overlap’ and ‘C2closure overlap’) vs. C2 . C3 C2 . C3 • [Nucleus . Onset] • [Coda . Onset] Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005 C2-C3 coordination - Results C1 C2 C3 O N . O N C . O N . O N [Nucleus . Onset] vs. [Coda . Onset]

  32. C2-C3 coordination – Results (cont.) C1 C2 C3 O N . O N C . O N . O N [Nucleus . Onset] vs. [Coda . Onset] • More stabilityin temporal alignment between a Nucleus and a following Onset: less variability across repetitions in the delay between ‘onset of contact in velar region’ for C2 and ‘onset of contact in alveolar region’ for C3. vs. C2 . C3 C2 . C3 • [Nucleus . Onset] • [Coda . Onset]

  33. Greater delay between events in the [Onset+Nucleus] sequence: ‘onset of contact in velar region’ & ‘onset of EPG closure’ for C2 nucleus start later relative to C1. vs. C1 C2 C1 C2 • [Nucleus+Coda] • [Onset+Nucleus] Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005 C1-C2 coordination – Results C1 C2 C3 O N . O N C . O N . O N [Onset+Nucleus] vs. [Nucleus+Coda]

  34. longer C1 in the [Onset+Nucleus] condition (where C1 is a /t/) n C2 t C2 longer C1 C1-C2 coordination – Results (cont.) C1 C2 C3 O N . O N C . O N . O N [Onset+Nucleus] vs. [Nucleus+Coda] • More overlap within the [Onset+Nucleus]sequence. (holds for ‘C1 overlap’, ‘C1closure overlap’, ‘sequence overlap’) vs. C1 C2 C1 C2 • [Nucleus+Coda] • [Onset+Nucleus]

  35. C1-C2 coordination – Results (cont.) C1 C2 C3 O N . O N C . O N . O N [Onset+Nucleus] vs. [Nucleus+Coda] • Less variability in overlap (i.e. tighter coordination) within the [Onset+Nucleus] sequence: less variability in the 3 overlap measurements across repetitions when C2 is nucleus vs. C1 C2 C1 C2 • [Nucleus+Coda] • [Onset+Nucleus]

  36. Contact profil in front and back regions, item 01 C1 nucleus C2 coda . C3 onset Condition« C2 coda »/n k . t/ C1 onset C2 nucleus . C3 onset Condition« C2 nucleus » /t k . t/

  37. Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005 Conclusion The syllabicity of an obstruent in TB: • Does not translate into additional acoustic or articulatory make-up: Among the properties examined, very few differentiate nucleus consonants from their non-nucleus counterparts(differences in dynamic properties may be related to the nature of the preceding consonant) • Neither does it translate into a particular stability of the consonant properties across repetitions (contra to expectation).

  38. Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005 Conclusion (cont.) The syllabicity of an obstruent in TB: • Rather translates into specific patterns of coordination between this segment and the adjacent consonants: • evidenced by particular pattern of overlap and temporal alignment of articulatory events (phasing). • and more interestingly, by a more stable pattern of coordination (bonding). Need to be confirmed by data from additional speakers… But importantly, our results echo those of Browman et al. 1998.

  39. Back to our Hypo… Temporal alignment/Overlap pattern for C2 nucleus Delayed relative to C1 More stable relative to C3 Not less overlapped by C1, but stable overlap Less overlapped by C3 The configurational properties of the vowel-less syllable (less overlap, longer delay between events and more stable coordination) could contribute to the preservation of the perceptual cues of the syllabic consonant within the consonant sequence.

  40. Thank you for your attention.

  41. s s s Coordination between tautosyllabic and heterosyllabic Cs Questions: • When C1C2 or C2C3 are tautosyllabic: • Tighter (less variable) coordination within tautosyllabic sequences vs. within heterosyllabic sequences.

  42. C1C2 coordination in tautosyllabic vs. heterosyllabic seq. - heterosyllabic [Nucleus.Onset] vs. - tautosyllabic [Onset+Nucleus] or [Nucleus+Coda] tautosyllabic heterosyllabic > delay between contact onsets < variability in overlap (Closure overlap, Seq overlap & C1 overlap) C1 C2 ON C1 . C2 N.O > delay between acoustic onset (burst/schwa…) < overlap (Closure overlap) < variability in overlap (Closure overlap) C1 C2 NC Tighter coordination (less variability), less overlap or more temporal delay within a tautosyllabic sequence.

  43. C2C3 coordination in tautosyllabic vs. heterosyllabic seq. - heterosyllabic [Nucleus.Onset]and[Coda.Onset] vs. - tautosyllabic [Onset+Nucleus] tautosyllabic heterosyllabic >Overlap (Seq overlap, Closure overlap & C2 overlap) < Delay in acoustic onset, closure onset but > in contact onset > Variability in delay of contact onset and acoustic onset C2 . C3 N .O C2 C3 O N < Delay in acoustic onset C2 . C3 C .O Tightness of coordination within the tautosyllabic sequence is less apparent when looking at C2-C3 (due to cases comapred? E.g. constraint on [nucleus.onset] coordination??)

  44. D C3-C2 D C2-C1 C1 acoustic offset C2 acoustic onset C3 acoustic onset C2 acoustic offset Acoustic transition between the Cs closures i.e. delay between the acoustic onset of C2 hold and the acoustic offset of C1 hold, idem between C2 and C3. => include burst duration and possible ‘schwa’

  45. Region definition Front region Back region eliminated (= vowel contact, shared contact)

  46. TB: the phonological system • 32 Cs , 2 SV & 3 Vs Labial Dental Alv. Pal. Velar Uvular Pharyng. Laryng. t !t k k° q q° b d !d g g° m n !n f s !s  !  °  z !z  !  ° h w l !l y u i a   i  i

  47. The parsing of [in.na.yam.tk.ti]DEA Steps of the DEA yamtkti • Seek [X][+low,+syll] & Build (ya)mtkti • Seek [X][-low,+syll] & Build (ya)mtk(ti) • Seek [X][-syll,+son,-nas] — • Seek [X][-syll,+son,+nas] — • Seek [X][-son, +cnt, +voi] — • Seek [X][-son, +cnt, -voi] — • Seek [X][-son,-cnt,+voi] — • Seek [X][-son,-cnt,-voi] & Build (ya)m(tk)(ti) The final form is derived with /m/ assigned to a coda by a late adjunction rule, onsetless syllables being prohibited in non-initial position [yam.tk.ti]

  48. The parsing of [in.na.ya.mnk.ti]DEA Steps of the DEA yamtkti • Seek [X][+low,+syll] & Build (ya)mnkti • Seek [X][-low,+syll] & Build (ya)mnk(ti) • Seek [X][-syll,+son,-nas] — • Seek [X][-syll,+son,+nas] (ya)(mn)k(ti) • Seek [X][-son, +cnt, +voi] — • Seek [X][-son, +cnt, -voi] & Build — • Seek [X][-son,-cnt,+voi] — • Seek [X][-son,-cnt,-voi] — The final form is derived with /k/ assigned to a coda by a late adjunction rule, onsetless syllables being prohibited in non-initial position [ya.mnk.ti]

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