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Socio-Political Power of Protests and their Implications for Accountable and Responsive Local Governance: Case of eThekwini Municipality vs Abahlali-basedMjondoloNdwakhuluTshishonga

Content of the Paper Introduction Method Theories underpinning the Paper Results Conclusion

1. Introduction • SA has its own fair share of social and political unrest hence it was declared the protest capital of the world (Duncan, 2015 & Mkhize, 2017). • The culture of social action and protests could be traced to the anti-colonial and apartheid regimes • Mass Democratic Movement, UDF, Labour, Youth & women Movements have been at the forefront of the anti-colonial and apartheid repression • This paper is purposed to interrogate the power of social and political protests in consolidating inclusive and responsive governance

1. Intro • lack or absence of basic services, • corruption and incompetent leadership, • poor or lack service delivery, • lack and non-existent social capital between people and local state are often cited as the causes of protests or what is known as service delivery protests • The municipality’s failure to fulfil its utilitarian and civic mandated functions (Amtaika, 2013 & De Vries, 2016) on one hand led to ‘democratic deficit’ (Mouffe, 2000: 4) and ‘participation fatigue’ (Davids, 2006: 6), pushed activist and social movement(s) to resort on radical social action and protests.

1. Intro • Social protests have a double-edged sword connotation: • first, as a symbol of a healthy and maturing democracy • while other scholars point out to its destructive inherent nature. • The paper argues that the negativity attached to protests is due to the government’s failure to draw lessons for evidence-based policy making process and programme development based on people’s needs and expectations. • The deliberation in this paper is based on two case studies, namely eThekwini and its strategies in dealing with a social movement such as Abahlali-baseMjondolo.

2. Method • The paper made use of literature on social action, protest and social movement as secondary sources of information. • Secondary sources were augmented by empirical data derived from interviews with key informants at eThekwini municipality and Abahlali-baseMjondolo(ABM), • Sample comprised of 10 Municipal Officials and 20 AMB leaders

3. Theories Underpinning the Paper • the Continuum of Information (Gillion, 2013). • Through this theory, politicians are afforded a rich understanding of political activism. • When the theory is viewed from the minority political protest perspective, it provides political officials with concerns and signals for them to take confident and evidence-based policies (Gillion, 2013: 25). • Driven by the social features of political activism, government is influenced and decisive direction taken to address issues raised.

Political opportunity structure (POS) theory. • The theory is anchored on deprivation, resources and poas fundamental factors towards building successful social movement (Meyer 2004:134). • POS theory argues that the availability or the non-availability of PO in the political structure determines the actions of the protest participants (Meyer 2004:134). • For Mchunu (2012), PO relates to the degree of political openness or inaccessibility of the political structure. • The advantages of PO according to Oberschall (2000:31) entails enhancement of participation, instilling the high sense probability of success, the cost of participation decreases

3. Collective Action Theory. • Collective action is espoused by Oberschall (2000: 25). • collective action theory is premised on the choices the marginalised and excluded citizens have to express their demands especially in pushing for policy changes. • More often autocratic governance leaves citizens without any choice but to use unconventional mechanisms such as pickets, marches, protest and disorder (Oberschall, 2000: 25) aimed at persuading the government to conform to their demands. • For collective action to activate social protestors, Oberschall (2000:28) argues that discontent, beliefs, capacity (i.e. resources) and political opportunity should be institutionalised as conditions for its successful mobilisation drive.

4. Resource Mobilisation (RM) theory • The proponents of this theory are of the conviction that inequalities and grievances are fundamental for people’s mobilisation (Canel 1997:191). • The availability of sufficient resources become the driving force behind the formation of most social movements (Tilly, 1978:99 in Canel 1997:191). • These are utilised to mobilise against the authorities, in order to coerce it into tackling inequality and grievances. • Resources include money, media coverage, knowledge, solidarity and internal and external support of the elite. • Changes in the opportunities relate to rationality, where individuals first weigh the costs and benefits of movement participation (Nleya 2011:4). • For them (individuals) to participate, benefits must outweigh the costs. • Oberschall(2000:31) argues that it is not only resources that are crucial in the formation of mass movements.

4. FINDINGS & ANALYSIS 4.1. Participants’ Perceptions of social protests Pts from both the municipality and AbM were in unison that protests in their different forms are constitutionally institutionalised as a democratic right to be exercised by all citizens of the Republic of South Africa. • Social protest was defined in relation to the needs and grievances expressed through direct actions by affected people. • Conceptions range from social protest being associated with community activism aimed at bring communal issues to the attention of authorities, social mobilisation by disgruntled citizens to purposeful action directed at the abuse of power by politicians and officials • Social protests are when a certain community decide to express their dissatisfaction over a certain event, policies or situation that they believe is not conducted the way it should be mostly by those leading the community (Interview, 2 January 2019) • Social protest refers to peaceful democratic or collective action undertaken by communities, organisations, bodies, institutions etc to have their demands or grievances heard by the high authority. This is usually after several peaceful efforts to get the attention of the authorities have failed (27 February 2019)

4.2. Factors Triggering Social Action & Protests • Frustration, hopelessness, anger, unemployment, betray by local political elites, • lack of democratic processes for engagement, corruption, and nepotism were cited to be among the major contributory factors. • From the repertoire of challenges highlighted above, the poor and informal dwellers are caught in the vortex of poverty and deprivation. • It is mostly out of frustration that people neglect the created spaces for engagement and make use of popular spaces to air their grievances and discontent. • Interviewees highlighted that often people embark on protests due to government’s dishonesty to meet promises made especially during elections campaign.

4.2. Factors • One of the AbM branch leaders said that: • People especially the economically marginalised and socially excluded, democracy has not delivered the goods. • People thought it would eliminate injustice, abolish poverty and create a society which everybody could play a creative and meaningful role (Interview, 2 January 2019). • People embark on social protests when they are dissatisfied and their needs or demands are not met by authorities whether in government, institutions or work place etc (Pres of ABM-Sbu)

4.3. ABM: Social protest as a strategy for claiming a voice • ABM-new breed of community based social movement waged a fresh wave of struggle for social change, inclusive democracy and citizenship, service delivery and struggle for humanity (Amtaika, 2013; Duncan, 2016). • ABM adopted a radical stance: issues of land, housing and governance, • Consequently, over the years endured and survived the repressive odds of the Municipality through the killing of its members, demolishment of their shacks, harassment and incarcerations including direct clashes with Land Invasion Unit • In the context of AbM, invited space of participation according to Ballard (2008: 180) paradoxically serve demobilise rather than mobilise. • The failure of the invited spaces to represent or service as the vehicle for people to raise their concerns is underpinned by Cooke and Kothari’s (2001: 14) notion of participation as ‘tyranny’.

4.3. ABM: Social protest as a strategy for claiming a voice • AbM is the living reality of the miscarriage of representative democracy and failure of developmental local state • AbM emerged to challenge the injustices in the streets (Atkinson, 2007). • As part of claiming its voice, • AbMas expressed by one of the movement leaders, ‘our movement is committed to challenges the undemocratic decisions imposed by municipal political elite who together with their officials have made it their agenda to exclude ostracise AbM to the periphery of local governance’ (Interview, 20 January 2019).

4.4. Municipality Strategies in dealing with social protests • The intensification of the protests prompted the local authority to deploy the law enforcement, namely the police and specialised Land Invasion Unit, responsible of demolishing the illegal shacks which have mushroomed over the last decade within the eThekwini region. • One of the official interviewee reiterated over the deployment of law enforcement by saying that: ‘in cases of violent protests they often start by bringing law enforcement agencies to restore law and order and thereafter adopt emergency measures to deliver services in question’ (Interview, 20 January 2019).

4.4. Strategies in dealing with social protests • Eg. at Cato Crest, Ward 101, where people invaded the vacant land to erect shacks. • A public meeting was organised with the officials from the Human Settlement Department and the former Mayor, James Nxumalo was present, and the land invaders were present to present their issues. • To their surprise, instead of the municipal delegates to listen to the grievances of the people, they use the meeting to stack and blame the protest organiser such as Nkuleko for being a trouble maker in the area. • Deployed police clashes with protestors continue and the death of Nkuleko was the price paid by shack dwellers at Marikana. • Denialism – 3rd Force is being blamed for conflicet • At Cato Crest, protestors at Marikana were labelled as foreigners by the local leadership and in some quotas; the third force was blamed to be behind unrest as witnessed in most informal settlements around Durban

4.4. Strategies in dealing with social protests • They respond with lies and terror. • They would receive memorandum for instance and throw it in the bin once the protest leave or just send no body to receive the memorandum even when they have been informed to receive it. • This creates anger on protesters. • This is another way in which they show disrespect for the community. • Local state was blamed for suppress the protests by just denying the very guaranteed right to protest in terms of the Regulation of Gathering Act. • 28 million rand was spent to buy military vehicle (casspurs) in order crack down protests etc in eThekwini. • We are becoming a police state.

4.5. Power of Social Protests Interviewees had the following comments: • The powerof social protest is astonishing, once the community is united against whatever they opposing, victory is certain. • From Soweto uprising in 1976, FeesMustFall student protest around the country and the recent community protests against eviction at Cato Manor area. • Based on these protest events, social protest has the power to force the municipality to adhere to their concerns and challenges (Interview, 2 January 2019). • SP. is a very powerful tool to get the message across in any democratic states. • It is not just about getting the message across but it is also a tool to organise masses to a common goal, build unity between and within the masses involved and build solidarity amongst those who are marginalised or oppressed. • However the states are increasingly repressive and to a larger extent ignore this mode of activism as a way to undermine democratic principles.

4.6. Recommendations • Change the current dominant economic system that create structures of poverty, inequality and high rate of unemployment. • This system has created wealthiest few at the expense of millions who are trapped in deep poverty. • Listen and treat the impoverished with respect and dignity • Invest in social facilitation and capacity. • Engage the communities meaningful • Stop lying and treating impoverished people like children’s with no brain • Allow communities or movements to participate in decision-making especial those that have a direct impact on their lives. • Stop corruption, nepotism and favourism. • Citizens to be treated equal and given equal opportunities when it comes to job opportunities etc.

4.7. Conclusion • For McLaren (2001: 130) ‘to celebrate life demands sacrificing our ontological security, because as Che and Freire both knew, it is impossible to celebrate life under conditions which do not obtain for all, that do not allow all other to enjoy the fruits of their struggle and labour. As long as others struggle, celebration is empty’ • The situation at various informal settlements especially in the peripherals of the cities and urban environments reflects unbearable conditions which according to McLaren (2001) life under such conditions cannot be fully celebrated with other people still struggling and suffering from socio-economic and political hardships. • This paper demonstrated that despite the multiple hardships endured by the members of AbahlalibaseMjondolo, the movement remains defiant to the injustices and brutality of representative democracy.

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