INTERIM REPORT ON THE RESULTS OF NATIONAL AND REGIONAL MEDIA MONITORING OF PARLIAMENTARY CAMPAIGN

1. Association SpilnyjProstir / Equal Access Committee implement synergetic projects on media monitoring, voter education, improving standards and quality of communication for the development of democracy and strengthening the information society in Ukraine with support of the Council of Europe, National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and the US Embassy INTERIM REPORT ON THE RESULTS OF NATIONAL AND REGIONAL MEDIA MONITORING OF PARLIAMENTARY CAMPAIGN Oleksandr Chekmyshev, Head of Equal Access Committee, Coordinator of monitoring projects at Association “Spilnyi Prostir” КyivOсtober 14, 2014

2. Our monitoring is an independent, civic initiative in the sphere of freedom of speech and information expression. • We implement monitoring of information necessary to make a conscious choice • During the elections we inform the Ukrainian and international community, authorities, journalists, politicians and regulator bodies about media activity

3. We implement monitoring in Kyiv and 24 regions

4. Selected by regions (North, South, East, West, Center)

5. And specifically by oblasts

6. We monitor 8 national and 45regional TV channels (the newscasts and final news programs inprime-time)

7. We monitor 6 national and76regionalnewspapers (the news and analytical content)

8. We monitor 4 national and68regional Internet-sites (the news and analytical content)

9. We monitor 3 nationalradio stations (the newscasts and final news programs inprime-time)

10. Subjects of monitoring and other political parties and blocs, registered by Central Electoral Commission. In the regions the subjects of monitoring are also the majority election candidates

11. Also the subjects of monitoring are • President • Government (all relevant government ministers) • Speaker • Local Government (Mayors and Governors) - as executors of official duties and as direct or indirect agitators.

12. Methodology Total content (seconds) Election content Seconds (printed signs) Printed signs (printed signs) Printed signs

13. Мethodology speakers, including in discharge of functions by President, Speaker Pime-Minister, Government Election content of each party (subject) Tone Direct or indirect speech or in the first news ? positive negative neutral Themes Amount of seconds speakers, including in discharge of functions by President, Speaker, Pime-Minister, Government What page, whether there is photo? positive negative neutral Themes Amount of printed signs speakers, including in discharge of functions by President , Speaker ,Pime-Minister, Government positive negative neutral Themes Amount of signs Priority of representing, whether there is photo?

14. What we tell with the help of our analytical reports • General trends. • Level of balance. • Access to the media. • Has the voter received information sufficient for a conscious choice? • Do media analyze the previous Parliament's term, as well as realism of the promises? • Are there real debates between the main political players and how successful they are? • How the highest officials are presented as performers or their duties and representatives of political forces). • Who is represented most actively and passively, in what tone. • Who provide the most (least) direct speech. • In the context of what topics the subjects of monitoring are presented. • Who the speakers of the political parties and blocs are. • How media (monitoring data) and voters sympathies (public opinion ratings) correspond. • Examples of ”jeans”, fakes, manipulation and media effects.

15. Why are we unique? I. We combine formal method for analyzing digital performance (content analysis) and descriptive methods of analysis of content, context and media effects

16. Why are we unique? II. We have a unique, specially designed for us interface, which provides a daily online revenue of monitoring results on the site and their conversion by the sample you chose (temporal, object-subjects) http://www.prostir-monitor.org/index2.php?PGID=133&PROJECT=4&SETFP=1

17. Why are we unique? III. We do not wait for the reaction of authorities, media or citizens - monitoring results are the basis for our research, public information actions and campaigns for media literacy

18. Why are we unique? ІV. The consultant of our project is Council of Europe expert Rasťo Kužel, the most experienced specialist in media monitoring during the election campaigns Rastislav Kužel is a media analyst and expert with over 12 years of international experience. Since 1998, Rasťo has been the Executive Director of MEMO 98, a proficient media institution with extensive experience of delivering media monitoring on behalf of international institutions as well as technical assistance to civil-society groups. He has worked as media analyst, consultant and trainer, participating in 26 OSCE/ODIHR election observation missions, most recently in Serbia, Croatia, Georgia and Azerbaijan. Rasťo has also worked in more than 50 election and media-related projects and missions in the framework of the UN, Council of Europe, IFES, NED, NDI and IMS, most recently in Moldova and Burma. In 2008, Rasťo worked for the OSCE’s Freedom of the Media Representative and is also a contributor to the OSCE/ODIHR Guidelines on Media Analysis for Electoral Observation Missions.

19. Monitoring period:September 15– Oktober 10

20. General trends • The media as a whole have so far provided voters with a diverse range of information about electoral contestants and other relevant political subjects. In comparison with the first monitoring period, the media have increased the time and space devoted to the coverage of election campaign. • Similar to the first period, the media devoted a significant coverage to the activities of the authorities, many of whom are candidates in the elections. At the same time, however, some monitored media (particularly newspapers) have allocated a more negative coverage to the activities of state authorities during this monitoring period. • Results from four weeks of monitoring show notable differences in the way political subjects are portrayed and in the amount of coverage provided to them. Some monitored outlets more or less openly showed their sympathies towards particular political subjects. • Contestants’ appearance in the news and current affairs programs continued to be determined not based on newsworthiness, but allegedly thanks to their payments for such appearances. The amount of such materials increased in comparison with the first monitoring period. • It is of concern that the monitoring team noted a growing number of positive or negative materials produced to either promote or discredit candidates (allegedly depending on their relationship to a channel’s owner). Most such materials were noted on Inter, TRK Ukraine and 1+1.

25. National television • The monitoring results indicated that as in the previous period, TV broadcasters mainly focused on the events related to the Anti-terrorist operation, foreign policy issues, the state of economy, etc. At the same time, however, the amount of information related to the elections has significantly increased. • In contrast to the 2012 parliamentary elections, the main national channels continued to offer a diverse range of views and so far have generally not blacklisted any politicians or independent experts from their coverage. The exception was the coverage of certain topics related disputes between two oligarchic groups – namely between the group of Lyovochkin-Firtash and the group of Ihor Kolomoyskyi. As such, it was possible to see that interests of owners impacted the coverage of certain candidates who were given preferential treatment over their opponents. The share of electoral-related content ranged from 30% (TRK “Ukraine”) to 10% (STB). • “Oposytsiinyi Bloc”/“Opposition Bloc” received the largest volume of direct speech (“Inter”, TRC “Ukraine” and ICTV); relatively Arseniy Yatsenyuk (as performing his official duties - on TRC “Ukraine” and “1 + 1”); Radical Party - (“Inter”); “Svoboda”/”Freedom” - (“TVi”) and “Petro Poroshenko’s Bloc (“Inter” and TRC “Ukraine”).

34. National press • Private print media are generally entitled to a larger degree of partisanship than the broadcast media. It is generally accepted, therefore, that the press may explicitly express a political opinion. At the same time, however, newspapers should still follow the basic principles of journalistic standards. • While the monitored newspapers have generally showed a plurality of views, some of them also featured paid articles, presenting them as news. The share of election content in the national press was from 24% “Kommentarii” till 7% (the newspaper “Segodnya”). • The national press covered the election campaign quite actively. The share of the election content in the total volume of articles was 14%. The leader of the information space was “Petro Poroshenko’s Bloc” (10.2%) and “Batkivschyna” (7.5%). The smallest amount of information was about “Samopomich”/”Self-help” (0.1%). CPU (5%) and “Hromadyanska posytsiya”/”Civic position” (3.6%) increased their performance due to paid articles (“jeans”). The information about the parties was mainly represented in a neutral tone, more rarely - in a negative tone. The most positive information was represented about “Sylna Ukraina”/”Strong Ukraine”, the most negative – about “Petro Poroshenko’s Bloc”. The negative coverage in connection of the “Oposytsiinyi Bloc”/“Opposition Bloc” was mainly due to the beating of Nestor Shufrych. • The hidden advertising materials have about 50% share in election content. The leader in representing of “jeans” articles is “Batkivschyna” which caused its strong performance. Also “SylnaUkraina”/”Strong Ukraine” and “Oposytsiinyi Bloc”/“Opposition Bloc” represented actively their paid materials, more rarely – “Svoboda”/”Freedom”. ("Facty i komentarii/"Facts and Comments", "Segodnja/"Today", Hazeta po Ukrainsky/"Newspaper in Ukrainian"). • President Poroshenko and Prime Minister Yatsenyuk were mainly covered as state officials performing their official duties. The coverage of them in connection with their party positions appeared only in the last week of this monitoring period (mostly in a negative tone in connection of forming the lists and the inner circle).

41. Internet. The imbalance of representing of political forces at this stage of the election campaign prevented the Internet sites to provide the satisfactory access. The voters could not also get enough information to make an informed decision as the Internet media paid more attention to analysis of the 100-day rule of the new President of the state and the Mayor of Kyiv than to the analysis of election programs. All Internet sites of the monitoring sample represented the officials mainly as the performers of their official duties. Although all parties of the sample were mentioned by Internet media, but most actively – the activity of the parties “Petro Poroshenko’s Bloc” and “Batkivschyna”. Instead, a minimum of information was represented about the parties “Samopomich”/”Self-help”, “Hromadyanska posytsiya”/”Civic position” and “Oposytsiinyi bloc”/”Opposition bloc”. Petro Poroshenko as the President received the most positive tone to his address. And among the parties “Petro Poroshenko’s Bloc” was represented most actively in negative tone. The party “Batkivschyna” was represented often in the context of criticism of the Law on Special Status of Donbass. Internet • In general, as in the previous period, the monitoring of Internet sites showed pluralism of opinions. In general, online media covered the pre-election process very passively. • The share of election content among other news was less than a half. Most of the coverage on Internet was neutral. • The online media continue to provide voters with a wide array of portrayals of political opinions, but similar to newspapers, show explicitly their political preferences. • The monitored media did not analyze electoral platforms, but presented news about the activities of candidates and officials. • To date, the online media have failed to offer more substantial and analytical information of the campaign than other monitored media outlets.

46. Monitoring results of national radio stations • National Radio stations demonstrated lack of balance. • The proportion of electoral content was about 5%. The most attention between the subjects of monitoring gained the Prime Minister and the Government. • Officials have been presented mostly as executors of their duties. As both executors of their duties and representatives of political parties only Arseniy Yatsenyuk and Olexander Turchynov were represented. It was about their meeting with the representatives of different confessions. • The smallest electoral content was on UR-1. There also sounded the least criticism. The greatest attention the radio stations devoted to “Narodnyi front”/“Popular Front” and to “Svoboda”/”Freedom”, a little less was devoted to “Batkivschyna” and to “Oposytsiinyi Bloc”/“Opposition Bloc” and “Petro Poroshenko’s Bloc”. • The station, most actively to cover the campaign, was radio Era. At the same time, there was the most unbalanced information and subjects with signs of put out a contract. • Passively the campaign was also commented on the radio Vesti. There mostly was a criticism of the Government and the President.

50. Regional mass media Regional Television The television channels of thewestern regions were more sympathetic to the parties “Svoboda”/”Freedom”, “Petro Poroshenko’s Bloc” and “Narodnyi front”/“Popular Front”. The top officials of the country were also represented, but they did not dominate and it was mainly about the performance of their duties. In the south, as before “Petro Poroshenko’s Bloc” had the total advantage. The power representatives were not covered most actively.In the north it was the total advantage of Petro Poroshenko as the President, and among the election subjects - “Petro Poroshenko’s Bloc”, “Svoboda”/”Freedom”, “Narodnyi front”/“Popular Front” and “Batkivschyna”.In the east, Petro Poroshenko and Arseniy Yatsenyuk were represented most actively in terms of performance of their duties, and among the parties – CPU and “Oposytsiinyi Bloc”/“Opposition Bloc” were represented most actively.In the center there was the total advantage of Petro Poroshenko as the President, and among other subjects of the elections – it was represented most actively the independent candidates to majority constituencies and also the parties “Svoboda”/”Freedom”, “SylnaUkraina”/”Strong Ukraine” and “Narodnyi front”/“Popular Front”.