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Measuring inter-racial inequalities in the labour market: issues, facts and challenges

Measuring inter-racial inequalities in the labour market: issues, facts and challenges. by Manuela Tomei InFocus Programme on the Follow-up to the Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, ILO Geneva UN Panel on Follow-up to Durban Declaration (Geneva, 26 October 2004).

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Measuring inter-racial inequalities in the labour market: issues, facts and challenges

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  1. Measuring inter-racial inequalities in the labour market: issues, facts and challenges by Manuela TomeiInFocus Programme on the Follow-up to the Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, ILO GenevaUN Panel on Follow-up to Durban Declaration (Geneva, 26 October 2004)

  2. Data gathering: key to address discrimination in employment and occupation Data gathering is essential to: a) broaden the knowledge base on discrimination b) set targets and benchmarks to measure progress towards equality c) inform policy choices d) influence budgetary allocations; and e) monitor and evaluate the effectiveness of policy interventions

  3. Employment statistics and « people of African descent » • How do we identify « people of African descent » and what distinguishes them from other racial/ethnic groups? • The term « people of African descent»: useful as a broad notion to highlight the specific circumstances of people commonly referred to as « blacks », • but too vague to serve as a basis for data collection • The notions of « race », « colour » or « ethnic origin » or a combination of these and other variables may be more helpful in this regard

  4. The challenge of gathering statistics on the racial/ethnic composition of national societies Traditionally, there has been a certain resistance towards collecting statistics on the racial/ethnic composition of national societies Why is it so? Because of: A. Governements’ fear that revealing inter-racial/ethnic inequalities may: • undermine social cohesion or • put them under pressure B.Racial/ethnic groups’ worry that information may: • be used to their detriment or • reinforce prevalent negative racial stereotypes

  5. The challenge of gathering statistical data on the racial/ethnic composition of national societies • There is no international classification system for « races » or ethnic groups; this does not permit comparisons between countries • Many countries do collect this type of statistics or are reviewing their racial/ethnic national classification systems • The type and combination of variables used to define racial/ethnic groups and the ways data are gathered vary by country and over time

  6. The challenge of gathering statistical data on the racial/ethnic composition of national societies Information can be gathered in three ways: • through self-identification • through observation • through the analysis of peoples’ DNA.

  7. Labour market inequalities and discrimination • Agreement on the existence of racial/ethnic disparities • Divergent views on the causes of these disparities and the extent to which discrimination is an explanatory factor • A correct analysis of these disparities is crucial because of the implications for policy • Racial/ethnic discrimination at work involves more than one dimensions,hence the need for a set of labor market indicators to measure racial/ethnic equality or inequality

  8. Labour market inequalities and discrimination Suggested set of labor market indicators for measuring racial/ethnic inequalities and racial discrimination: • the gap between the educational attainments of the dominant and the subordinate racial/ethnic groups • the distribution of different racial/ethnic groups (both dominant and subordinate) between different occupations and related earning levels • differential in earnings between dominant and subordinate people with otherwise similar characteristics • the gap in employment and unemployment rates

  9. Three case studies: Brazil, Britain and the USA Brazil • The myth of Brazil as a « racial democracy » has been challenged in the past 20 years • Race and class –based discrimination: key determinants of the disadvantaged socio-economic position of « blacks » • National classification system (used both by the National Census and the PNAD as of 1990): based on « colour » and « race » • Five categories used: « branco », « pardo », « preto », « amarelo », and « indígena »; the « pardos » and the « pretos » make up the « blacks » • Method of data collection: self-classification and observation • In 2000, the « blacks » represented 45.2% of the total population and 44.5% of the EAP

  10. Average labour income by sex and race 1992-2001 Average income of all jobs (Jan. 2002, REAIS) White men White women Black men Black women Occupied people of 16 years and more, of all educational levels

  11. Graph 2: Umployment rate, by race and sex, 1992-2001 EAP of 16 years and more for all educational levels Black women White women Black men White men

  12. Three case studies: Brazil, Britain and the USA Britain • Changes in the national racial classification system reflect changes in migration patterns • In 1991 the Census asked, for the first time, a question about the etnic group affiliation of respondents and identified nine categories • The 1994 Fourth National Survey identified 12 ethnic groups (those of the Census +other three) and asked two questions: one about the repondents’ ethnic group affiliation and one about their family’s origin • Since the 1960s relative progress in the relative employment and earning levels of ethnic minorities compared to « whites » • Old « White-Black » divide has been replaced by a new racial hierarchy with « Whites », « Chinese » and « African Asians » at the top, the « Bangladeshis » and « Pakistanis » at the bottom, and the « Caribbeans » and « Indians »in the middle

  13. Three case studies: Brazil, Britain and the USA USA • The notion of « race » prevails over that of « colour » (« one drop rule » according to which African ancestry is essential to classify a person as African American) • Changes in national racial classification system reflects changes in migration patterns • Since 2000, the Census has identified15 racial ethnic/ groups; previously, since 1977, only 4 categories were included (« White », « Black », « Asian » and « Amerindian »); self-classification is the method used to gather information • Racial/ethnic socio-economic disparities are very large: between 1970 and 1990 poverty trends for « African Americans », « Hispanics » and « Whites » remained almost unchanged, but in the 1990s poverty declined significantly for all groups, most particularly for « African Americans » • The ratio of the « African American » median family income to the « white » median family income was 0.51% in 1970 and 1992 and increased to 0.59 in 1999

  14. Final remarks • Racism and racial/ethnic disparities are universal phenomena, but their manifestations and intensity vary by country • Collecting regular, accurate and reliable data on the socio-economic status of racial/ethnic subordinate groups and comparing them with that of dominant groups is essential to combat racism at work • Racial/ethnic classification systems, and related categories, and methods of data gathering are country-specific and are not fixed • Irrespective of national circusmtances, self-identification is a recommendable method for gathering labour market data by race or ethnicity • As racism involves more than one dimension, a set of labour market indicators seems in order to monitor progress (or lack of it) in fighting racism at work

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