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Christopher D. Sapp Indiana University / Universität Wien 2 February, 2006. Focus and verb order in Early New High German: Historical and contemporary evidence. Outline. Introduction Focus and verb order in Early New High German Supporting evidence: Modern Standard German
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Christopher D. SappIndiana University / Universität Wien2 February, 2006 Focus and verb order in Early New High German: Historical and contemporary evidence
Outline • Introduction • Focus and verb order in Early New High German • Supporting evidence: Modern Standard German • Supporting evidence: contemporary dialects • Conclusions Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
1. Introduction Standard German sub. clause word order • Only one possible order with two verbs: (1) dass Klaus heute das Buchlesen will. that K. today the book read2 wants1 ‘that Klaus wants to read the book today.’ • According to Greenberg (1966), this 2-1 order is characteristic of SOV languages. Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
1. Introduction Standard German sub. clause word order Two possible orders with three-verb clusters, depending on the construction. • 3-2-1 (for several constructions): (2) weil esgekauft werden mussbecause it bought3 aux2 must1‘because it must be bought’ • Only 1-3-2 with the infinitivus pro participio: (3) weil er eshat kaufen müssenbecause he it has1 buy3 must-inf2‘because he had to buy it’ • Both 3-2-1 and 1-3-2 with future werden + modal + inf.: (4) a. weil er es kaufen können wirdbecause he it buy3 can2 will1‘because he will be able to buy it’ b. weil er es wird1 kaufen3 können2 Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
Outline • Introduction • Focus and verb order in Early New High German • Focus and verb order in Modern Standard German • Focus and verb order in contemporary dialects • Conclusions Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
2. Early New High German 2.1. Basic Facts • Early New High German (1350-1650) is a period of great variation in word order: (5) das er in kainer sundverczweiffeln sol 2-1 that he in no sin despair2 shall1 ‘that he shall not despair in any sin’ (PM 161) (6) das der mensch alle sein lebttag nicht andersscholt thun 1-2 that the person all his life-days nothing else should1 do2 ‘that man should do nothing else all the days of his life’ (PM 206) Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
2. Early New High German 2.1. Basic Facts • For 3-verb clusters, four of the six possible orders are attested (with 2-1-3 and 2-3-1 unattested): (7) das so darvorgesetzt ist in fragweisverstanden werden soll. 3-2-1 that rel. before.set is in question understood3 be2 should1 ‘that what is set before should be understood as a question’ (Eunuch. 14) (8) als er des tagesscholtbegraben werden 1-3-2 as he the day should1 buried3 become2 ‘when he should be buried on that day’ (PM 212) (9) so er dan den menschen nichthatmugenvberwinden 1-2-3 when he then the person not has1 can2 overcome3 ‘when he has not been able to overcome the person’ (PM 158) (10) dy er ... getansolt haben 3-1-2 rel. he done3 should1 have2 ‘that he should have done’ (PM 159) Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
2. Early New High German 2.2. The corpus and methods Bonner Frühneuhochdeutsch-Korpus • 30 texts (3 centuries x 10 dialects) • 2,921 subordinate clauses (approx. 100 per text) • 2,752 clauses with 2 verbs and 169 with 3 verbs. GoldVarb 2001 • Statistics package for sociolinguistic studies • Determines effect of independent variables (linguistic & sociolinguist factors) on dependent variable (verb order). • Factor weight: the further from 0.5, the greater the factor’s effect on the dependent variable Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
2. Early New High German 2.2. The corpus and methods Methods for determining focus • Clauses tagged ‘old’ if argument is pronominal or mentioned in the section of the text. • Tagged ‘new’ if new within section: (17) das ich allesdurch die menschhab gethan. that I all for the person have done ‘that I have done all of that for the sake of man.’ (PM 220) • Some obviously ‘contrastive’ cases: (18) das der mensch alle sein lebttag nicht andersscholt thun, dann lernen … that the person all his life-days nothing else should1 do2 than learn ‘that man should do nothing else all the days of his life, but learn …’ (PM 206) Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
2. Early New High German 2.3. The effect of focus • Focus, especially contrastive focus, favors the 1-2 order: • But, potential problem of researcher bias in determining focus. • Corroborating evidence: • Scrambling • Extraposition Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
2. Early New High German 2.3. The effect of focus Additional evidence: scrambling and verb order • Correlation between scrambling and focus: unscrambled object tends to be focused (Haider & Rosengren 2005). • In ENHG, clause with unscrambled NP (thus likely to be focused) favors 1-2 order: Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
2. Early New High German 2.3. The effect of focus Additional evidence: extraposition (20) daz ich damit sol pussenmein sundthat I therewith shall1 atone2 my sin ‘that I should atone for my sin with that’ • Ebert (1981): correlation between extraposition and 1-2. • Also holds for my corpus: • Extraposition is related to focus in ENHG (Bies 1996), thus supporting my hypothesis about focus and 1-2. Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
2. Early New High German 2.3. The effect of focus • Effect on three-verb clusters: focus disfavors 3-2-1 and slightly favors the other orders. • Not surprising, since focus disfavors 2-1 and favors 1-2. Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
Outline • Introduction • Focus and verb order in Early New High German • Supporting evidence:Modern Standard German • Supporting evidence: contemporary dialects • Conclusions Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
3. Evidence from Standard German3.1. Schmid & Vogel (2004) Recall that in Standard German, only werden + modal + infinitive allows word order variation. Schmid & Vogel (2004): that variation is dependent upon where the emphasis lies: (19) dass KLAUS das Buchlesen können wird / wird lesen können / (lesen wird können) that Klaus the book read3 can2 will1 will1 read3 can2 read3 will1 can2 ‘that Klaus will be able to read the book.’ (20) dass Klaus das BUCHlesen können wird / wird lesen können / (lesen wird können) (21) dass Klaus das BuchLESEN können wird / wird LESEN können / LESEN wird können (22) dass Klaus das Buch (lesen KÖNNEN wird)/ wird lesen KÖNNEN / lesen wird KÖNNEN (23) dass Klaus das Buchlesen können WIRD/ (WIRD lesen können) / (lesen WIRD können) Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
3. Evidence from Standard German3.1. Schmid & Vogel (2004) Criticism: • Based on face-to-face interviews; difficult to elicit non-standard orders even for dialects (Schmid, p.c.). • Orders are not ranked by grammaticality; they are either grammatical or marginal. • Stress, rather than focus, was tested: (24)a. dass Klaus das BUCHlesen können wird b. dass Klaus das BUCHlesen können wird c. dass Klaus das BUCHlesen können wird d. dass Klaus das BUCHlesen können wird Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
3. Evidence from Standard German3.2. My magnitude estimation study Magnitude estimation(Bard et al. 1996): • Often used in psychological experiments. • Allows for fine-grained grammaticality judgments. • Multiple subjects judge multiple sentences, minimizing variation by idiolect and idiom. • Subjects score the sentences on their own scale, relative to a reference sentence: (25) Der Polizist hat eine Jacke dem Verletzten gegeben.20 (26) Der Polizist hat dem Verletzten eine Jacke gegeben.25 (27) Der Polizist hat dem Verletzten sie gegeben.15 Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
3. Evidence from Standard German3.2. My magnitude estimation study Set-up • 20 subjects: students in an introductory class on German grammar at Univ. Vienna, all native speakers of Austrian German. • Questionnaire distributed in class and collected immediately. • Five focus structures were tested: focus on subject, object, VP, lexical verb, and modal. • 3-2-1, 1-3-2, and 3-1-2 each tested twice per focus condition; 1-2-3 only once; so 35 sentences tested plus 5 fillers. • Sentences were randomized, 20 different surveys, and lexical items were used max. 2x per survey and were balanced for frequency and length. Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
3. Evidence from Standard German3.2. My magnitude estimation study • Correction format was used; subjects were to judge only SC. • Reference sentence: (28) Was? Richard tanzt gern Tango? Nein! Ich habe gesagt, dass Edith gern Walzer tanzt. • Tested focus structures: (note: originals were not formatted) (29) Was? Maria wird einen Roman schreiben müssen? Nein! Ich habe gesagt, dass Klaus einen Roman schreiben müssen wird. (30) Was? Klaus wird eine Geschichte schreiben müssen? Nein! Ich habe gesagt, dass Klaus einen Romanschreiben müssen wird. (31) Was? Klaus wird eine Geschichte lesen müssen? Nein! Ich habe gesagt, dass Klaus einen Roman schreiben müssen wird. (32) Was? Klaus wird einen Roman lesen müssen? Nein! Ich habe gesagt, dass Klaus einen Roman schreiben müssen wird. (33) Was? Klaus wird einen Roman schreiben können? Nein! Ich habe gesagt, dass Klaus einen Roman schreiben müssen wird. Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
3. Evidence from Standard German3.2. My magnitude estimation study Overall results: • Standard orders (3-2-1 and 1-3-2) are within range of grammatical fillers. • 3-1-2 is a bit worse than other two. • 1-2-3 is worse than even the worst filler. Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
3. Evidence from Standard German3.2. My magnitude estimation study Comparison to ENHG: • Under object focus, 1-3-2 = 3-2-1; under VP focus, 1-3-2 is relatively worse. May confirm that object focus favors 1-3-2. • Both 3-2-1 and 3-1-2 improve under VP focus. [Focus O V ] • p = 0.011 when only three focus structures tested Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
3. Evidence from Standard German3.2. My magnitude estimation study Comparison to Schmid/Vogel: • Subject & object focus: 3-2-1 = 1-3-2 > ?3-1-2 confirmed. • Focus on verb: 3-2-1 = 1-3-2 = 3-1-2 not confirmed. • Focus on modal: 1-3-2 = 3-1-2 > ?3-2-1 ± confirmed. • But, difference between object and VP focus suggests that stress is not everything. Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
Outline • Introduction • Focus and verb order in Early New High German • Supporting evidence: Modern Standard German • Supporting evidence:contemporary dialects • Conclusions Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
4. Evidence from contemporary dialects 4.1. Previous studies • In Standard German, only one possible order with 2 verbs: (34) Ich glaube, dass Klaus gestern das Buchgelesen hat. I believe that K. yesterday the book read2 has1 ‘I think that Klaus (has) read the book yesterday.’ • Many dialects allow variation, as in ENHG. • Swabian: (35)a. I glaub, dass der Glaus geschdern des Buachglese had. I think that the Klaus yesterday the book read2 has1 b. I glaub, dass der Glaus geschdern des Buachhad glese. I think that the Klaus yesterday the book has1 read2 • However, these dialects usually prefer the Standard order (see Steil 1989). Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
4. Evidence from contemporary dialects 4.2. My Swabian study Set-up • Interviews conducted with 2 students at Univ. of Tübingen (1 from Stuttgart, 1 from Tübingen). • First interviewee translated sentences from Standard German to Swabian, then Swabian sentences in various orders were presented on computer screen and judged. • Second interviewee judged first interviewee’s translations, presented on paper. • Judgments were on a 5-point scale. • Two tasks: • judge several word orders without context • judge pairs of sentences (2-1 and 1-2) within focus context Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
4. Evidence from contemporary dialects 4.2. My Swabian study Task one: (36)a. I glaub, dass Glaus geschdern des Buach glese had.2-1no scrambling I think that Klaus yesterday the book read2 has1 ‘I think that Klaus read the book yesterday.’ b. I glaub, dass Glaus des Buach geschdern glese had. 2-1with scrambling c. ?I glaub, dass Glaus geschdern des Buachhad glese. ?1-2no scrambling d. ?I glaub, dass Glaus des Buach geschdern had glese. ?1-2w/ scrambling e. ??I glaub, dass Glaus had geschdern des Buachglese. ??V2 g. ?*I glaub, dass Glaus geschdern had des Buachglese. ?*1-obj-2 i. *I glaub, dass Glaus geschdern glese des Buachhad. *2-obj-1 k. ??I glaub, dass Glaus geschdern glese had des Buach. ??extrapos. obj, 2-1 l. ?*I glaub, dass Glaus geschdern had glese des Buach. ?*extrapos. obj, 1-2 Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
4. Evidence from contemporary dialects 4.2. My Swabian study Task two: (37) Was had Glaus geschdern glese? ‘What did Klaus read yesterday?’ a.I glaub, dass Glaus des BUACHglese had. I think that Klaus the book read2 has1 b.?I glaub, dass Glaus des BUACHhad glese. I think that Klaus the book has1 read2 (38) Was had Glaus geschdern gmacht?‘What did Klaus do yesterday?’ a. I glaub, dass Glaus des BUACH glese had. b. ??I glaub, dass Glaus des BUACH had glese. (39) Was isch geschdern bassierd? ‘What happened yesterday?’ a. I glaub, dass Glaus des BUACH glese had. b. ??I glaub, dass Glaus des BUACH had glese. The 1-2 order seems to be more restricted w.r.t. focus Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
4. Evidence from contemporary dialects 4.3. My Austrian study Set-up • Interviews conducted with 2 speakers (1 southern Lower Austria, 1 Styria) • Same method as in Swabian study. • Speaker from Lower Austria rejected all clauses with 1-2 (contrary to Patocka 1997), so only results from Styria reported here. Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
4. Evidence from contemporary dialects 4.3. My Austrian study Task one: (40)a. I glaub, dos da Klaus gestan dees Buach glesn hot.2-1no scrambling I think that Klaus yesterday the book read2 has1 ‘I think that Klaus read the book yesterday.’ b. I glaub, dos da Klaus dees Buach gestan glesn hot. 2-1with scrambling c. ??I glaub, dos da Klaus gestan dees Buachhot glesn. ??1-2no scrambling d. *I glaub, dos da Klaus dees Buach gestan hot glesn. *1-2w/ scrambling e. *I glaub, dos da Klaus hot gestan dees Buachglesn. *V2 g. ??I glaub, dos da Klaus gestan hot dees Buachglesn. ??1-obj-2 i. *I glaub, dos da Klaus gestan glesn dees Buachhot. *2-obj-1 k. ?I glaub, dos da Klaus gestan glesn hot dees Buach. ?extrapos. obj, 2-1 l. *I glaub, dos da Klaus gestan hot glesn dees Buach. *extrapos. obj, 1-2 Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
4. Evidence from contemporary dialects 4.3. My Austrian study Task two: No differences by focus context could be determined. But, the 1-2 order does sound better when the object is more strongly stressed: (40)c. ??I glaub, dos da Klaus gestan dees Buachhot glesn. ??1-2unscramb. obj. c'. ?I glaub, dos da Klaus gestan dees BUACHhot glesn. ?1-2stressed obj. Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
Outline • Introduction • Focus and verb order in Early New High German • Supporting evidence: Modern Standard German • Supporting evidence: contemporary dialects • Conclusions Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
Conclusions • Establishing the effect of focus in historical texts requires the comparison of several types of evidence. • There is corpus evidence that verb order in ENHG is sensitive to focus, supported by the effects of scrambling and extraposition. • The effect of focus on verb order in Mod. German is difficult to confirm, given fixed verb order and problems of eliciting nuanced judgments on rare constructions. However, there is at least some influence of stress. • Focus does have an effect on verb order in Swabian, showing similar effects to those found in ENHG. Some Austrian dialects may behave the same. Christopher D. Sapp, Focus and verb order in Early New High German
References Bard, E., D. Robertson, & A. Sorace. 1996. Magnitude estimation of linguistic acceptability. Language 72: 32–68. Bies, A. 1996. Syntax and Discourse Factors in Early New High German: Evidence for Verb-final Word Order.M.A. Thesis, U. Penn., Philadelphia. Haider, H. & I. Rosengren. 2003. Scrambling: Nontriggered Chain Formation in OV Languages. Journal of Germanic Linguistics 15: 203-267. Das Bonner Frühneuhochdeutsch-Korpus, Institut für Kommunikationsforschung und Phonetik/ Universität Bonn. www.ikp.uni-bonn.de/dt/forsch/fnhd/ Ebert, R.P. 1981. Social and stylistic variation in the order of auxiliary and non-finite verb in dependent clauses in Early New High German. Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur 103: 204-237. Patocka, F. 1997. Satzgliedstellung in den bairischen Dialekten Österreichs. Frankfurt am Main: Lang. Robinson, J., H. Lawrence & S. Tagliamonte. GoldVarb 2001: A multivariate analysis application for windows. www.york.ac.uk/depts/lang/webstuff/goldvarb Schmid, T. & R. Vogel. 2004. Dialectal Variation in German 3-Verb Clusters: A Surface-Oriented Optimality Theoretic Account. Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 7: 235-274. Steil, C. 1989. Untersuchungen zum Verbalkomplex im Schwäbischen. M.A. Thesis, Eberhard-Karls-Universität Tübingen.