Introduction

1. The ties among the notes: The social capital of jazz musicians in three metro areasTimothy J. Dowd (Emory University ) and Diogo L. Pinheiro (Georgia Institute of Technology)

2. Introduction • Three observations from research on creative careers • While such work is marked by uncertainty, this is especially so for “freelancers” (e.g., jazz musicians vs. orchestra musicians) • While some creative work requires formal credentials and rigorous auditions, other does not (e.g., jazz musicians vs. orchestra musicians) • In freelance and “uncredentialized” work, social connections can matter greatly for careers (e.g., jazz musicians and financial success) • Given the importance of such connections, we investigate factors that shape and situate the type and extent of connections among jazz musicians • We do so by drawing upon a unique survey of jazz musicians

3. The data source • Turned to the Survey of Jazz Musicians (2001) • Gathered by the Research Center for the Arts and Culture (Columbia University) • Representative survey of 572 individuals in three US metropolitan areas • Enabled by Respondent Driven Sampling (RDS) • Unusually rich in questions asked and data provided – including “capitals” of musicians • Economic capital: earnings • Cultural capital: general education; musical training; musical expertise • Social capital: formal connections; informal connections; “remote” connections • In our recent paper, we see • How musicians compare in terms of the capitals they possess • What predicts the odds of union membership (formal connections) • What predicts the extent and variety of musicians known by name (informal)

4. General patterns regarding “capitals” • Well positioned jazz musicians (tend to be African-American, older and in NYC) • Highest annual earnings from music (e.g., $40,000+) • Advanced degrees & formal musical training • Know many local musicians; AFM membership; Internet usage • Moderately positioned jazz musicians (tend to be in New Orleans) • Market their music; AFM membership • Challenged musicians (tend to be women) • Little earnings from music (e.g., $0 to $12,000) • College education • No AFM membership; no music marketing • Disconnected musicians (tend to be younger and in San Francisco) • No college education; no musical training • Know few local musicians; no AFM membership; no Internet usage

5. Predicting social capital • > General education • Increased odds of union membership • More local musicians known by name; fewer African American & young known • Consequence: first 2 types of social capital  greater earnings • > Formal musical training • Increased odds of union membership • More local musicians known by name; more women musicians known by name • Consequence: first 2 types of social capital  greater earnings • > Genre generalism • More locals musicians known by name • More African American; white; other race; women & young musicians known • Consequence: generalism  greater earnings and critical recognition • Marketed music and Internet usage for music • More local musicians known by name; more types of musicians known, as well • Consequence: remote connections  greater earnings

6. Implications • Connections are good for freelance jazz musicians • More earnings flow from formal, informal and remote connections • Connections combine with other resources to positions musicians well • What fosters connection among musicians? • Specialized knowledge that is not unique to jazz  formal connections • Hence, education matters even for this freelance work • Knowledge unique to jazz  informal connections • Hence, eclecticism in music leads to diverse ties • Efforts to market and disseminate music  informal connections • Thus, indirect ties can lead to direct ones • Being in the right place and at right age also matter • One is under musicians’ control, the other is not