110 likes | 308 Views
The Use of Evidence in Passing and Implementing California’s Fostering Connections to Success Act. Jennifer E. Mosley & Mark E. Courtney School of Social Service Administration University of Chicago February 1, 2012. Fostering Connections to Success.
E N D
The Use of Evidence in Passing and Implementing California’s Fostering Connections to Success Act Jennifer E. Mosley & Mark E. Courtney School of Social Service Administration University of Chicago February 1, 2012
Fostering Connections to Success • Federal Fostering Connections to Success and Increasing Adoptions Act passed in 2008 • Allows federal funding for foster care services to be extended to youth ages 18‐21 • Extending care is optional for states • Most states have implemented minimally • California passed a new entitlement • Extremely generous bill in terms of reentry procedures and participation requirements.
Brief Legislative History • Idea of extending foster care was not new in California • Courts in some counties already using state only funds to keep youth in care past 18 • County run child welfare system—52 counties • Co-sponsor group included advocates, providers, unions, courts and county directors • Bill introduced December 2008, passed September 2010, in effect as of January 1, 2012
Why this Case Study? • Historic legislation • Learning opportunity for other states • Major changes for state policy, provider regulations, courts, and families • 58 counties provides a natural experiment • Legislation short on specifics • Multiple opportunities for evidence to play a role • Competing stakeholder interests • Different types of evidence needed at different levels • Knowing how evidence was used can help support future advocacy efforts
Areas of Inquiry • The role various stakeholders played in passing AB12 and adaption of their efforts during implementation • Who were the most influential advocates at each stage? • How was AB12 framed by stakeholders? • What types of evidence were used to influence policy? • What are the needs and perceptions of policymakers? • Whose advocacy was ultimately more effective in shaping policy? 2) What is the result of that process? • Looking at how jobs and placements are changing, how counties are coping, and how youth are perceiving the policy • Today, focused on first set of questions • Specifically, how was research evidence used at different stages in the policy process? What can that tell us about the use of evidence in policymaking generally?
Methods & Data • Data collection began September 2011 • Relying primarily on in-depth interviews with key stakeholders • Policymakers & legislative staff (N=10) • Advocates & funders (N=14) • Government administrators (N=10) • Interviews still in progress • In-person participant observation at stakeholder meetings • Notes from conference calls • Document review of legislative history, rules of the court, press releases, & communications from advocates
Evidence & The Legislative Process • Two studies mentioned specifically as “laying the groundwork” • Wide consensus that the policy made sense “on its face” • Presenting research evidence that it would work was less important than evidence that it was the right thing to do • Heavy reliance on persuasive arguments, appealing to legislators as parents, and “soft” evidence such as the sharing of personal stories • Engagement of former foster youth crucial
Budget Implications • Willing to vote for the policy on the basis of the policy, but ONLY if it could be shown to be budget neutral or potentially cost saving • Lots of disagreement among state agencies and advocates about projected costs • Evidence about cost effectiveness was able to be produced quickly due to established relationships between advocates, foundations, and researchers • Cost benefit analysis was the key piece of evidence in entire process
Evidence & The Implementation Process • Research evidence largely neglected during implementation, despite vague statute • Reasons included: • Time constraints • Advocates running the process • Lack of government capacity • Lack of research with required level of specificity • Overall, reduced government capacity combined with a strong advocates and interest groups led to decision making that was not based in evidence as much as it was based in • What was possible • What had the most support
Conclusion & Implications • For research evidence to be effective in shaping legislative decisions it needs to be more timely and better geared to policymakers concerns & state-level context • More evidence about cost-benefit is needed • Established connections between researchers, advocates and funders can help • The perceived need for research evidence is higher once the policy is already in place
Conclusion & Implications • These findings may also be applicable to other situations in which: • There is wide support for the policy on its face and/or a sympathetic target group • State budget constraints dominate the discussion • Reduced government capacity leaves advocates and interest groups to lead the policymaking effort at both the legislative and implementation phase