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The lexicon-syntax interface and the syntax-discourse interface: native-like and optional knowledge in advanced L2 Spanish Cristóbal Lozano Universidad Autónoma de Madrid clozan2@yahoo.com The Romance Turn 2004. Background.
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The lexicon-syntax interface and the syntax-discourse interface: native-like and optional knowledge in advanced L2 Spanish Cristóbal Lozano Universidad Autónoma de Madrid clozan2@yahoo.com The Romance Turn 2004
Background • Emerging pattern in advanced L2 acquisition of syntactic properties vs. discursive props. • Syntax vs. discourse: Pronominal distribution (pro-drop parameter) in L2 Spa: • Formal/syntactic props acquired early: null expletives first, then null referentials convergence: (Al-Kasey & Pérez-Leroux, 1998; Liceras, 1989; Phinney, 1987) • Syntactic licensing of pro AND syntactic contraints on pro (OPC) acquired early convergence • BUT pragmatic conditions licensing pro persistently problematic divergence. (Liceras & Díaz, 1999; Pérez-Leroux et al. 1999; Pérez-Leroux & Glass, 1997, 1999; Sauter, 2003) • Similar findings in: • Bilingual L1 attrition of overt and null pronouns:Montrul, 2004; Satterfield, 2003; Sorace, 2004; Tsimpli et al., in press 2004. • L1 attrition: Tsimpli, 2001 • L1 acquisition of English pronouns: Chien & Wexler, 1990; Grodzinsky & Reinhart, 1993; Serratrice, 2004 • formal syntactic constraints in place before discursive ones (advanced levels). converge with formal/syntactic props: native-like knowledge. diverge with discursive props like topic and focus (syntax-discourse interface): divergent / optional knowledge.
Aim • If emerging view is correct, will it be observed with the second property of pro-drop parameter: “subject inversion”? • “Subject inversion” is constrained: • Syntactically (Unaccusative Hypothesis) at lexicon-syntax interface • Discursively (TP-internal presentational Focus Phrase) at syntax-discourse interface
SV/VS alternations • Subtle learnability problem for learners of L2 Spanish: • Do SV / VS alternate freely? (1) María gritó (SV) / Gritó María (VS) ‘Maria shouted’ ‘Shouted Maria’ (2) María llegó (SV) / Llegó María (VS) ‘Maria arrived’ ‘Arrived Maria’ • Alternations constrained formally (Unaccusative Hypothesis) and discursively (presentational focus).
Syntax: Unaccusative Hypothesis Principle of UG: UTAH Parameter: pro in Spec,TP Greek: like Spa. English: strictly SV (no surface syntactic effects)
A: ¿Quién gritó? ‘Who sho uted?’ B: Gritó María ‘Shouted Maria’ Syntax-discourse: presentational focus Greek & Eng: pres focus in situ: SV(pres. focus subject checked in Spec,TP)
Summary of word order Unfocused contexts: Focused contexts: “What happened?” “Who shouted/arrived?” Unergatives SV VS María gritó Gritó María+Foc ‘Maria shouted’ ‘Shouted Maria’ Unaccusatives VS VS Llegó María Llegó María+Foc ‘Arrived Maria’ ‘Arrived Maria’
Previous L2 findings • Syntax (Unacc. Hypothesis): • English-speaking learners of Spanish are sensitive to the syntactic effects of the Unacc. Hypothesis from early stages of development: SV with unergatives but VS with unaccusatives (De Miguel, 1993; Hertel, 2000, 2003; Hertel & Pérez-Leroux, 1999). • Discourse: under-researched area: • Hertel (2003): presentationally focused subjects in final position are acquired late in L2 Spa. Same finding for L2 Italian (Belletti & Leonini, 2004). • Ocampo (1990) and Camacho (1999): L2 Spa acquisition of distinct word orders to mark focus is acquired late or perhaps never acquired in native-like fashion.
Method • Instrument: • Contextualised acceptability judgement test (Hertel, 2000) Translation
Results: unfocused contexts(Unaccusative Hypothesis) ¿Qué pasó? “What happened?” Unergatives (SV) Unaccusatives (VS) sig sig sig sig sig sig Convergence with natives (native-like knowledge)
Results: focused contexts(Presentational focus at syntax-discourse interface) ¿Quién gritó / llegó? “Who shouted / arrived?” Unergatives (VS) Unaccusatives (VS) sig n.s. n.s. sig n.s. n.s. (just) Divergence with natives (subtype: optionality)
Conclusion Sorace (2000c; 2004), Tsimpli et al (in press), Tsimpli (2001): [-interpretable] vs. [+interpretable] features Less vulnerable to attrition Highly vulnerable to attrition Convergent (native-like) Divergent (e.g., optionality) Uninterpretable [D] and phi features on T licensing postverbal subjects at syntax Interpretable [Focus] feature at syntax-discourse syntax discourse