Interaction of Northern Altai varieties with Shor and Khakas and literary Altai

1. Interaction of Northern Altai varieties with Shor and Khakas and literary Altai АiianaOzonova

2. Dialects of Altai language North South ChalkanduAltai-kizhi KumandyTelengit Tuba Teleut

3. The following changes bring north dialects closer to the Altai literary language There is tendency towards the loss of the final γ / g in Chalkan: alyγ ~ alu ‘foolish’, suγ ~ su ‘water’; the instability of the final γ is also noted for the Kumandin and for the Tuba dialect γ ~ w ~ u: taγ ~ taw ~ tuu ‘mountain’ [Seljutina 1983; Sarbasheva 2004]. Chalkan is in a process of the displacement of the affricate č, similarly to the Altai language, displaying the occlusive t’: čer → t’er ‘earth, place’, čarïš → t’arïš ‘competiton’, čït → t’ït ‘smell’ [Fedina 2010, p. 10]. In Kumandy the corresponding consonants š’ ~ č are realized both according to the northern and to the southern type: šanak ‘sledge’, but čekpen ‘cloth’; as for the word internal position, the southern Altaic č is used instead of the northern Altaic ž: qačan ‘when’, pyčak ‘knife’. With regard to the vowels u ~ o Kumandy follows the southern Altaic type: ol ‘he, she, it’, oro ‘pit’. [Seljutina 2010, p. 96]. A instrumental case form -la/-le has emerged out of the postposition pïla / pile ‘with’

4. su ‘Water’ Nomsu Gensunïŋ / suγnïŋ Accsunï / suγnï Datsuγе / suγа Locsude / suda / suγda / suγde Ablsudïn / suγdïn Dirsuza / suγzа Instr sule/ sula / suγla / suγle

5. uy=ïm ‘my Hause’ Nom.uy=ïm Gen. uy=ïm=nïŋ Acc. uy=ïm=nï Datuy=ïm=a Loc uy=ïm=da Abl uy=ïm=dïn Dir uy=ïm=za Instr uy=ïm=la

6. Kum. aғa=m= bïla / aғa = m = la ‘with my father' aғa = bïs =pïla / aғa = bïs =la ‘with our father‘ me=bile / me=le ‘with me’

7. The northern Altaic dialects have a lot in common with the neighboring Turkic languages Shor and Khakas: 1) there is an inconsistent adherence to labial harmony in case of low rounded vowels: chalk. ködörö → ködrе ‘all’; 2) there is a tendency to spirantization of affricates: č > š (alt. üč, chalk. üš’, khak. üs, shor. üš ‘three’); 3) there is -n in the beginning of the genitive and accusative affixes after voiced sounds. In Chalkan and Khakas, the genitive and accusative case suffixes maintain their nasal onset after a voiced consonant, whereas in literary Altai, the first consonant in this position loses its sonority. For example: chalk. t’ïïl=nï, khak. čïl=nï, alt. d’ïl=dï; 4) a directive case form -sa/-za has emerged out of the directive postposition saarï / zaarï ‘towards’; 5) the auxiliary verb t’at- ‘lie’ is actively used in analytical constructions and is a part of secondary synthesized forms, contrary to the verb tur- ‘stand’ in the Altai literary variety, etc.

8. These varieties (Shor dialects Mras and Kondoma alongside the Shor dialect of the Khakas language; Chalkan, Kumandy, Tuba) also form a specific area where the semantics ‘to put harness on a horse’ is expressed by the verb qopta not represented outside the area. Other Turkic languages of Siberia (Southern Altai dialects, Bachat Teleut, dialects of Siberian Tatars, the Kyzyl dialect of Khakas) have the lexeme d’ek= in various phonetic variants, also used in Kypchak languages.

9. Chalk.saγ=, kum.,tub.saγ=/ saa, shor.d.saγ= • milk; • gather berries. Chalk., kum.aŋna=/ aŋda=, shor. aŋna= • hunt; • catch fish.