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GRS LX 700 Language Acquisition and Linguistic Theory

GRS LX 700 Language Acquisition and Linguistic Theory. Week 8. Second Language Acquisition: introduction. Scientific study of language. What constitutes one’s knowledge of language? How is that knowledge acquired?

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GRS LX 700 Language Acquisition and Linguistic Theory

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  1. GRS LX 700Language Acquisition andLinguistic Theory Week 8.Second Language Acquisition: introduction

  2. Scientific study of language • What constitutes one’s knowledge of language? • How is that knowledge acquired? • Looking at adult native languages, we’ve found that language is very complex (see LX 522, 523, for example) • Looking at kids, we’ve found that kids seem to learn this complicated system with surprisingly little help from the environment.

  3. L1 acquisition • We posited a genetic predisposition for language, something which guides the kinds of languages kids learn (Universal Grammar): • Kids learn fast • Kids end up with systems that are more complicated than the input data justifies (they can judge ungrammatical sentences in the same way as other native speakers). • Kids don’t fail to learn language despite differences in environment, and without getting or making use of negative evidence. • Kids seem to go through similar stages, across kids, across languages.

  4. But what about L2 acquisition? • Adults seem to have a harder time learning language than kids do learning their first language (there may be a “critical period”). • Adult second language learners rarely reach a native-speaker-like level of competence. • Adult second language learners already know a language. • Adult second language learners are often given negative evidence (“you don’t say it that way”) when taught in a classroom.

  5. L2A seems verydifferent from L1A. • Is L2A like learning to play chess? Like learning calculus? Do we just learn the rules of the language and apply them (sometimes forgetting some of the rules, never quite learning all of them, etc.)? • It’s very tempting to think that’s true.

  6. Scientific study of language • What constitutes one’s knowledge of language? • How is that knowledge acquired? • We can still study these questions in L2A as well and try to determine the answers, whether they are related to the answers we got for L1A or not. • And perhaps surprisingly, they might be.

  7. L2 competence • Learners of a second language have some kind of (systematic) linguistic knowledge. They have retained their L1 knowledge, and they have knowledge of a sort which approximates (perhaps poorly) the knowledge held by a native speaker of the learner’s L2. • This knowledge is often referred to as an interlanguagegrammar—not L1, not L2, but something different (…and to what extent this knowledge might be related to or influenced by L1 or L2 is yet to be determined).

  8. A real-world example, Japanese case-marker omission • Adult knowledge is complicated, relies on the Empty Category Principle, which says that an empty category (including a dropped Case marker) must be properly governed. • The long and the short of this in Japanese is that you can drop a Case marker in object position but you cannot drop a Case marker in subject position.

  9. Kanno 1996 • John ga sono hon o yonda. nom that book acc read‘John read that book.’ • John ga sono hon _ yonda. nom that book Ø read‘John read that book.’ • * John _ sono hon o yonda. Ø that book acc read‘John read that book.’

  10. Kanno 1996 • English speakers (learning Japanese) know the ECP, because they know: • Who did you say Ø t left? • *Who did you say that t left? • But this is a very different context of use from the use in Case marker drop. The question is:Do English speakers respect the ECP in their interlanguage grammar (toward Japanese)? • A broader way to ask the question: Is the interlanguage grammar constrained by UG?

  11. Kanno 1996 • To discover the answer Kanno tested 26 college students in Japanese II on case particle drop. • Kanno looked at what the students would have been exposed to by the textbook up to the point where they took the test, to see if they were taught when not to drop the case markers.

  12. What the Japanese II students saw… • 41 cases of object case-marker drop, like: • Enpitsu Ø kudasai ?pencil give‘Can you give me a pencil?’ • 8 cases of subject case-marker drop, in the exceptional case when it is allowed (with a final emphatic particle—these don’t violate the ECP): • John Ø sono hon o yonda yo.John that book acc read part‘John (indeed) read the book.’ (I think)

  13. What the Japanese II students saw… • Certain verbs have nominative case on their objects, and case can be dropped on those objects too… • John ga kankokugo (ga) dekimasu.John nom Korean nom can-do‘John can speak Korean.’ • 69 of 110 such verbs in the book had the object case marker dropped.

  14. What the Japanese II students saw… • Japanese allows arguments to be omitted (somewhat like Italian pro drop), so there were many cases with just one argument (the object) with no case marker: • Kami Ø irimasu ka?paper need Q‘Do you need paper? / Is paper necessary?’

  15. What the Japanese II students saw… • Worst of all, the topic marker can be dropped, which looks a lot like a subject marker being dropped. • Tanaka-san (wa) itsu kaimasita ka?top when bought Q‘When did Tanaka buy it?’‘As for Tanaka, when did he buy it?’

  16. What the Japanese II students saw… • “ga [nom] might be deleted, but with a reduction of the emphasis and focus conveyed by its inclusion.” (No hint that sometimes—even usually—it is not allowed) • “If o [acc] is deleted, [the object] would simply lose a bit of its emphasis and focus. On the other hand, the addition of o would give added emphasis and focus.”

  17. The poor Japanese II students… • There’s pretty much no way they could have reached the right generalization based on what they were provided. • Nom can be dropped from object position • Top can be dropped from subject position • Nom subject can be dropped with a particle • Explicit instruction was only about emphasis. • But did they anyway?

  18. The experiment • To test this, the sentences used wh-words. Wh-words in general do not allow topic marking, so if the particle is dropped from a subject wh-word, it could not have been a topic drop. • subject wa wh-phrase Ø verb Q? • *subject Ø wh-phrase acc verb Q? • prowh-phrase Ø verb Q? • *wh-phrase Ø pro verb Q?

  19. (missing controls) • There are a couple of things that this experiment lacks… • Naturalness of a dropped case marker is tested, but never the naturalness of an overt case or topic marker on a wh-phrase. • Wh-phrases are used because they do not permit topic marking—but do the students know this?

  20. Kanno’s results

  21. Kanno’s results

  22. UG in L2A • The conclusion is that L2 learners of Japanese have nevertheless (statistically significantly) gotten the rule about dropping subject case markers, despite the lack of evidence from the textbook, the instructor, or even English. • It appears that UG is still constraining language in some way even in adult second language acquisition.

  23. All I really needed to know I learned in UG • “The linkage of concept and sound can be acquired on minimal evidence, so variation [among languages] here is not surprising. However, the possible sounds are narrowly constrained, and the concepts may be virtually fixed. It is hard to imagine otherwise, given the rate of lexical acquisition, which is about a word an our from ages two to eight, with lexical items typically acquired on a single exposure, in highly ambiguous circumstances, but understood in delicate and extraordinary complexity that goes vastly beyond what is recorded in the most comprehensive dictionary, which, like the most comprehensive traditional grammar, merely gives hints that suffice for people who basically know the answers, largely innately.” Chomsky (2000, New Horizons in the Study of Language and Mind), p. 120.

  24. Influence of UG in some form is probably inevitable… • Like in L1A, the input is almost certainly degenerate, and the negative evidence there might be isn’t enough to make the subtle complexities of language learnable, and for negative evidence (in the form of correction) to be of any use, L2 learners have to make errors, yet for these subtle complexities, the learners don’t seem to make the crucial errors that would be required to learn them. • Kanno’s experiment (among others) shows that L2 learners seem to “go beyond the evidence.”

  25. How is UG “used” in L2A? • What is UG really? • Probably the simplest view of it is that UG constrains the kinds of languages we can learn.For the moment, assume we’re talking about L1A. • UG says: You can’t learn a language that lacks the ECP. You can’t learn a language that doesn’t respect constraints on movement out of an island…

  26. How is UG “used” in L2A? • UG shaped your L1, we take that to be essentially beyond dispute in some form… but when you learn L2, you still know L1. • So, perhaps: UG constrains how you learn L2 (directly, like it constrained your L1) • Or, perhaps: Your L1 constrains how you learn L2 (indirectly, UG constrains L1, L1 constrains L2) • Or, perhaps: Nothing language-related constrains how you learn L2—it’s like learning chess.

  27. How is UG “used” in L2A? • A somewhat standard terminology has developed for these concepts… • Full Access—UG constrains L2A. • (Partial Access—UG constrains L2A partly.) • Indirect Access—L1 constrains L2A. • No Access—UG is not involved in L2A.

  28. An independent question—what role does L1 play in L2A? • Full Transfer—the properties (parameters) of L1 are taken as the “starting point” in L2A. • Partial Transfer—some of the parameters of L1 are taken as the “starting point” in L2A, while some others start in an independent setting. • No Transfer—the parameter settings of L1 do not affect L2A.

  29. Access hypotheses • The model these hypotheses work with is essentially that UG provides a blueprint or a template for languages, which is used to create a concrete instantiation of a language. • Active Principles • Parm 1: A • Parm 2: B • … • Principles • Parm 1: — (A, B) • Parm 2: — (A, B, C) • … L1A L1 UG

  30. Access hypotheses • Once L1 has been instantiated, the template might become unavailable. In this case, the only available information about what languages are like is what’s instantiated in L1. • Active Principles • Parm 1: A • Parm 2: B • … • Principles • Parm 1: — (A, B) • Parm 2: — (A, B, C) • … L1 UG

  31. Access hypotheses • Indirect accesssupposes that the principles and parameters of L1 (but not the information in UG). are available in forming an instantiation of L2. • No accesssupposes that L2A does not even have direct access to L1; presumably everything L2-related is translated through L1, the mapping is learned in another way. • Active Principles • Parm 1: A • Parm 2: B • … • Principles • Parm 1: — (A, B) • Parm 2: — (A, B, C) • … L1 UG

  32. Access hypotheses • The full access hypothesis supposes that the template is still available to instantiate L2 the same way L1 was instantiated. • Active Principles • Parm 1: B • Parm 2: A • … L2 L2A • Active Principles • Parm 1: A • Parm 2: B • … • Principles • Parm 1: — (A, B) • Parm 2: — (A, B, C) • … L1A L1 UG

  33. Access hypotheses • A partial access hypothesis supposes that certain parts of the template are no longer available (fixed in the L1 settings) but other parts can still be used to instantiate L2. • Active Principles • Parm 1: A • Parm 2: C • … L2 L2A • Active Principles • Parm 1: A • Parm 2: B • … • Principles • Parm 1: — (A, B) • Parm 2: — (A, B, C) • … L1A L1 UG

  34. Distinguishing between access hypotheses • The no access hypothesis takes L2A to be a general learning process, not constrained by properties of UG. • As such, we do not expect the IL of second language learners to conform to the specifications of UG. We expect that the IL would be free to exhibit properties unlike any natural language (L1). • So we look for “wildness” in the IL grammar of second language learners—for indications of grammar which would not qualify as an L1.

  35. Distinguishing between access hypotheses • The full access hypothesis, on the other hand, predicts that IL grammars of second language learners, while not the grammar of the target language, will still conform to the restrictions UG places on natural languages. It will operate under the same principles, and it will have parameters which are set to a setting which is possible in natural language.

  36. Distinguishing between access hypotheses • The indirect access hypothesis predicts that second language learners will have an IL which is essentially L1-plus. They are predicted not to be able to have principles or parameter settings which differ from the L1, but all of the parameter settings and principles operative in L1 should also be operative in the IL.

  37. Distinguishing between access hypotheses • The partial access hypothesis is the least well-defined. It places itself somewhere between full access and no access. • We might see that a second language learner’s IL shows evidence of parameter settings different from the L1 (or not, depending on which parts of UG we are hypothesizing L2A access to). • We might see evidence of principles not used in L1 but provided for in UG. • The partial access hypothesis is basically the fallback position, the compromise we need to make if the facts don’t fit into one of the other hypotheses.

  38. In favor of no access… • The well-known “critical period” effects seem to point toward a view like no access; adult L2A is much less uniform, typically not fully successful, and appears to involve much more conscious effort. • Proponents argue that their observations about differences in the course and end result of L2A (vs. L1A) indicate that principles of UG are not being obeyed (for example, learners positing rules that appeal to linear order, rather than structure, contra Structure Dependency).

  39. In favor of no access… • Meisel (1997) looked at L1A and L2A of negation in German, French, and Basque. • In L1A in the three languages, negation appears to go through similar stages. • First, it is placed externally (generally initially, sometimes finally), unlike in the adult language • No(t) I go home I go home no(t). • Then, it appears sentence-internally, in an appropriate position with respect to the tensed verb for the target language (differs by language). • L1A: Once children show evidence of knowing how to use finite verbs, they seem to have no particular trouble with the syntax of negation in the target language.

  40. In favor of no access… • For L2A, the consensus opinion from previous studies seems to be that second language learners, regardless of target and first languages seem to go through pretty much invariant stages with respect to negation. • First, preverbal or initial negation. • Then, more target-like internal negation. • Sounds like the L1A sequences; this made people eager to try to apply the same explanations. • However, almost all of these studies used English as the target language, and in fact some studies seemed to have “missed” the first stage.

  41. In favor of no access… • Closer investigation reveals that not all second language learners go through an “initial negation” stage, even if the L1 has preverbal negation. • And, unlike in L1A, where there is an initial negation stage, it does not seem to disappear at the same time as the control of finite verbs. • Whereas “initial negation” in L1A is usually sentence-initial (before the subject), “initial negation” in L2A is often preverbal (but after the subject). • Meisel suggests that initial negation is actually a characteristic of a certain kind of learner, a reflection of a strategy that (some) people use in L2A.

  42. In favor of no access… • Rather than observing structure-dependent negation placement based on [±finite], the results tend to suggest strategies based on linear order (i.e. put negation after the verb). • Meisel concludes that any UG involvement in L2A is much less clear given these differences between L1A and L2A.

  43. Concerning this argument • Notice that this is primarily an argument about sequence of acquisition. Roughly, the idea is: Because the sequence of L1A and L2A do not match, and assuming L1A is driven by UG, L2A can’t be also driven by UG. • In short, this seems to be an argument about whether the (L1) LAD is involved in L2A. It doesn’t really fully reach the question of whether UG constrains L2A.

  44. Concerning this argument • Whether or not we take this to show no access to UG, we need to keep in mind that: • the “invariant sequence” (at least in the acquisition of negation) in L2A is on shakier ground than previous research seemed to suggest. • the contingencies between finiteness and verb position with respect to negation (suggesting that they “go together” in L1 grammars) don’t seem to hold of L2A.

  45. In favor of full access… • First, note that pretty much any empirical argument purportedly for full access to UG in L2A cannot actually meet its goal. At best, it will show that in the area studied there is evidence for access to UG (i.e. partial access). • However, full access is a stronger position, so we want to take that as the null hypothesis if we see evidence for some access, adopting a partial access view only if we see that there is also evidence for no access in other areas.

  46. In favor of full access… • Threads of argumentation: • Second language learners obey certain universal principles which (appear to) work differently in the TL than in the learners’ L1. • Second language learners’ IL knowledge show evidence of a parameter setting different from their L1, indicating that the parametric options are still available

  47. In favor of full access… • A simple example discussed by Flynn (1996) is L2A between Japanese and English. • Japanese and English differ in their setting of the “head parameter”, which indicates whether the object comes before the verb (Japanese, SOV, head-final) or after the verb (English, SVO, head-initial). • L2 J-->E learners appear to very quickly set this IL parameter correctly, suggesting that they know that both head-initial and head-final are possible settings for this parameter, although their L1 parameter is committed to head-final.

  48. In favor of full access… • Flynn on Subjacency… • In Japanese, wh-words are not “moved” to the beginning of a wh-question; Japanese is a “wh-in-situ” language. Its wh-words appear in the same position that the trace “appears” in English. • Subjacency is concerned only with displacement of wh-words. It is a principle which says that a wh-word cannot be displaced out of certain kinds of islands (conjunctions, embedded questions, complex noun phrases, …).

  49. In favor of full access… • Thus, Subjacency does not seem to rule out any wh-questions in Japanese. It is possible to ask questions like: • ‘You met the man that gave what to Mary?’ • Cf. *Whati did you meet the man that gave ti to Mary? • Flynn takes this to mean that Subjacency is essentially “inactive” in Japanese. It does not play a role in wh-question formation in Japanese.

  50. In favor of full access… • Supposing that Subjacency is not active in Japanese, Flynn considers L2A of English by Japanese speakers. • Would these second language learners nevertheless obey Subjacency in English? • Do they still have access to this principle provided by UG even though it is not used in their L1? • Flynn’s experiments seem to indicate that Japanese speakers learning L2 English do obey Subjacency, and concludes that they must therefore still have access to UG during L2A. • But cf. Johnson & Newport later on…

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