Introduction

1. THE MINORITIES AND POWER SHARING IN NIGERIAbySolomon AkhereBenjamin,Ph.DAssociate Research ProfessorSGPRD, NISER, Ibadan

2. Introduction

3. Introduction (contd.)

4. Feeding Bottle Federalism

5. Intoduction Cont’d • Before the arrival of the European- no political entity known as Nigeria. • Pre-colonial Nigeria-bewildering variety of communities and entities of varying sizes, levels of pol. & social devt, and degrees of independence & autonomy. • Contemporary Nigeria- heterogeneous - comprises between 250 and 400 ethnic groupings. 374-Otite(1990)

6. Introduction Contd. • Lugard & 1914- the amalgamation Not a federation. His 1919 Report and other documents pointed to 5 main factors • Finance, communications and trade, administration &military. • Lugard easily grasped the military importance of Nigeria,- governed under one Admtive umbrella. • 1946, 1951, 1954- historical events- 3regs&Federalism.

7. Why Federalism? • Federalism- accommodates diversities while pursuing unity. • As Duchacek (1977:13) the aim of a federal constitution “is an institutionalised balance between national unity and sub-national diversity”. • K.C.Wheare (1964) “federalism is an appropriate form of government to offer to communities or states of distinct, differing nationalities that wish to form a common government and to behave as one people for some purposes, but wish to remain independent and, in particular, to retain their nationality in all other aspects”.

8. Nigeria’s Unequal 3 Regions

9. Why Federalism Contd. • Nigeria's main reasons for a federal arrangement • - Sociological complexity of the society • - Ethnic and Geographical Diversity. • - North & South differences • - Majority and Minority ethnic groups' differences • - Spur to Economic Development. • The choice of federalism arose from domestic circumstances of differences in the histories of pre-colonial and colonial times. • to meet economic interest of the erstwhile colonial master - the British.

10. Views of our frontline Nationalists • Chief Awolowo, anything other than a federal constitution, “will be unsuitable and generate ever-recurring instability which may eventually lead to the complete disappearance of the Nigeria composite state”. • Dr. Azikiwe – "Nigerian’s prosperity lay in the heterogeneity of both the composition and endowments of a federal structure for the unleashing of the energies of the federating units for national development". • Sir Ahmadu Bello - “only guarantee that the country will grow evenly all over; we can spend the money we receive, the money we raise, in the direction best suited to us”.

11. Nigeria's Federal Structure • 1954 –retained by subsequent constitution since then till date • 1946/51- 3regions; 1963-4regions; 1967-12states; 1976-19states; 1987=21; 1991=30; 1996=36 & 774LGAs • Nigeria is 6geo-political zones, 2 are mainly minorities=south/south & north central (see Table1) • Note: No federal arrangement=successful in demarcating into separate ethnically pure territorial units (including Ethiopia) • It is within this socio-cultural and political power quagmire that we want to locate the place of the minorities in Nigeria

12. Table 1: The Six Geopolitical Zones and their LGAs

13. Minorities (features) • In many societies, certain key features of ethnic minority have been identified as follows: It is a social category, a collectivity, a social class, large or small which exists within a socio-cultural milieu. Its members are distinguished from the majority or dominant ethnic group in power, on the basis of inherent or contrived homogeneous physical/biological, national, racial, cultural and social characteristics. They are therefore, hated and deliberately excluded -socially, physically and, sometimes, legally- from participating in the social, economic, political economy or some sections of the larger society.

14. Minorities Contd. • The term ‘minority’ (minority group), is both conceptually and ideologically cloudy • has quantitative, economic, social and cultural dimensions. • A number of scholars (Nnoli 1978; Ekekwe 1986; Otite 1990; and Osaghae 1994) agreed that minorities are culturally specific and relatively cohesive groups which occupy a status of numerical inferiority and or socio-political subordination in relation to other cultural sections in the society. • Minorities often assume a subordinate status as the exploited, expropriated, disempowered, isolated, marginalised and then targeted. • United Nations, "numerically inferior to the rest of the population of a state, in a non-dominant position, whose members possess ethnic, religious or linguistic characteristics differing from those of the rest of the population, and show, if only implicitly, a sense of solidarity directed towards preserving their culture, traditions, religions or language" (cited in Suberu 1996:5). • Conversely, majority group, according to John Farley (1995), "is any group that is dominant in the society, that is, any group that enjoys more than a proportionate share of the wealth, power, and/or social status in that society".

15. Minorities: Challenges • In Nigeria, the age-long standing minority challenges: • Nigerian state structure • Role of the state as the absolute controller of resources; • Absence of constitutional protection of minority rights. • The ill-conceived colonial policy • North- Hausa/Fulani as the regional identity and coercively integrated the minority groups • South - Yoruba and Ibo regularly dominate, suppress and exploit the numerous minorities • Niger Delta minorities- continuation of injustice, deprivation & oppression they were already subjected to by the ruling majority ethnic groups. •  The refusal to adhere to the derivation principle

16. Minorities Challenges Contd. • Derivation principle dropped from 50% derivation at independence to the end of First Republic. • 45% between1969 and 1971. The downward trend continued thereafter:  • 45% (excluding offshore proceeds) from 1971 to 1975; • 20% (excluding offshore proceeds) from 1975 to 1979; • 0% (yes, Zero %) from 1979 to 1981; • 1.5% from 1982 to 1992; • 3% from 1992 to 1999; • And 13% from 1999 till date. It has been a culture of creating more shareable/free monies for all, irrespective of their inputs into the federal purse. • Offshore-Onshore Debate: FG's exclusive rights to offshore sources of revenue targeted at the minorities, yet it closes its eyes to the problem of Oil pollution, degradation & destruction of ecological systems.

17. Minorities Challenges Contd. • Importantly, from the 2nd Republic till now, no Govt Came to being without the major support of the Minorities. • Without Minorities –Govt will amount to having a King without a Kingdom • Under Military- most military Govs/Admtors to minorities states were from major ethnic groups to maximise their dominant/exploitation/oppressive game •  In view of the above- minorities mostly perceive themselves to be minnows in the country's political affairs. • Also minorities- suffer a lot of deprivations, injustice, & underdevelopment in the hands of national or regional majority ethnic groups who control political power & use it to their own sectional and selfish advantage.

18. Minorities Challenges Contd. • Clamour for true federalism in Nigeria continues • Increasing concentration of powers at the centre by successive constitutions since independence; • Question of equity and fairness in the allocation of resources by the federal government. • Nigerian federalism impinges on pluralistic autonomy, resource generation & value distribution- contradicts the fundamental principles of federalism. • Value distribution injustice promotes and escalates competitive politics and conflicts among elites, particularly between a parasitic federal state and the marginalised minorities as the case of Nigeria.

19. Minorities Challenges Contd. • In the case of the Niger Delta, beside value distribution injustice and marginalisation, it suffers a collaboratively engineered environmental violence by the state & foreign corporate oil investors (KunleAjayi, 2013 in Ibaba & Etekpe, Trapped in Violence). • Roberts (2013) also blame Niger Delta conflicts on lack of "federal fairness" & "federal justice" • Unending crises & mindless bloodbath in the North- due to dichotomy between indigenous/settler populations & intolerance of the dominant Hausa/Fulani over the minority ethnic groups in this region.

20. Government’s Measures • Henry Willink Commission September1957 • NDDC • Creation of more States • Institution of Federal Character Principles • Devolution of Powers • Financial transfers from the Federation Account • Creation of OMPADEC • Creation of a Federal Ministry of Niger Delta & Amnesty Programme

21. Power Sharing • Minorities of the oil producing areas--- meaningful power-sharing and guarantee of self autonomy through acceptable political restructuring. • Contemporary political systems involve aspects of power sharing. • Because self-determination has become the rallying point of many aggrieved ethnic groups in every major region of the globe. • Power sharing is not an end in itself but a means to an end • No single universally-acceptable model of power sharing, but there is a broad menu of conflict-regulating practices, institutions, and mechanisms (Sisk, 1996:116). • Lijphart (1969; 1985) defines power sharing as a set of principles which, when carried out through practices and institutions, provide every relevant group in a society representation and decision-making abilities on common issues and a degree of autonomy over issues of importance to the group

22. Power sharing Contd. • Conditions under which power-sharing arrangements work out in achieving success towards resolving ethnic conflict within a diverse polity: • i) Involves accommodating a core group of moderate political leaders in ethnic conflicts who are genuinely representative of the groups they purport to lead; • ii) The practices must be flexible to allow for equitable distribution of resources; • iii) They should be home-based conditions which should not be too externally-motivated; • iv) Parties can gradually eschew the extraordinary measures that some power-sharing practices entail and allow a more integrative and liberal form of democracy to evolve.

23. Power Sharing Contd.

24. Nigerian Minorities & Power Sharing

25. Table 2: Distribution of Political Leadership at the Presidency by States and Ethnic Origin (1960-2014)

26. Minorities & National Assembly • Majority groups dominated a greater part in both chambers (see Table 3) • Clerks of the National Assembly (Exclusive Preserve of Hausa/Fulani) • 1979-1983 AlhajiGidadoIdris • 1990-1994 Dr. Adamu Mohammed Fika • 1994- 2005 Alhaji Ibrahim Salim • 2005-2010 AlhajiNasiru Ibrahim Arab • 2010 (3months) Prince OluyemiOgunyomi • 2010 Till Date AlhajiSalisuAbubakarMaikasuwa • D/Heads –minorities currently lead- 8 out of 14.

28. Clerks of the National Assembly (Exclusive Preserve of Hausa/Fulani) • 1979-1983 AlhajiGidadoIdris • 1990-1994 Dr. Adamu Mohammed Fika • 1994- 2005 Alhaji Ibrahim Salim • 2005-2010 AlhajiNasiru Ibrahim Arab • 2010 (3months) Prince OluyemiOgunyomi • 2010 Till date AlhajiSalisuAbubakarMaikasuwa

29. Conclusion • From the colonial era, some constitutional & administrative efforts have been made, to reconcile the multi-ethnic -unusual composition- majority group = two-thirds and minority groups one-third” • Paradoxically, minorities are still faced with several challenges. • State creation was originally meant to savage the minorities overbearing pains and neglect= turned to be instrument of further exploitation and repression of the minorities • Elites to recognise power sharing practice as an important stepping stone towards more fully competitive and participating democracy. • Recent developments in our democratic system in addressing some of the challenges in the minorities' zones deserve some commendations.

30. Policy Recommendations • As a framework for true federalism, six-geo-political zones should be formalised, constitutionalised & strengthened • 2 tiers= FG & Zonal GOVT • discrimination, ethnicity, statism, divide and rule politics and promotion of selfish interests, to be replaced. Residence rights for all citizens.

31. Policy Recommendations • Retain bicameral legislature; Reduce cost by reduction of membership • Senate 12/zone & FCT 1 (12x6+1 = 73Senators) • HP 36/Zone + FCT3 (36x6+3 = 219 Members) • Unicameral for Zonal Houses & Members between 20-40 each/ethnic diversity • Power sharing/defeated parties to have representation; SA/Ethiopia Lessons • Power shift/power sharing/rotation of Presidency

32. Policy Recommendations Contd. • Encourage & strengthen IGR • Deliberate efforts to create minority influence; accommodate minorities in distribution of offices/power sharing scheme • Federal cabinet/equal number/zone; also supreme court • Evolve institutionalised system of decision-making that would involve minorities at all stages/minimise crisis due to ethnic differences/to avoid regular pol. Dissatisfaction • Maximum of 10 years for residency rights/privileges/elective posts

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