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SOCIAL COSTS OF POST-COMMUNIST TRANSITION Was Gradual Better?. May 22,2007 Univ.of Vienna, Economics Department Oleh Havrylyshyn. O Havrylyshyn CERES Seminar Jan. 29, 2007. One key rationale of gradualism :to mitigate social costs
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SOCIAL COSTS OF POST-COMMUNIST TRANSITIONWas Gradual Better? May 22,2007 Univ.of Vienna, Economics Department Oleh Havrylyshyn O Havrylyshyn CERES Seminar Jan. 29, 2007
One key rationale of gradualism :to mitigate social costs Mid-nineties studies largely negative: social costs huge, due to „shock therapy“ Were social costs 1990-95 less for gradual reformers? Did social costs reverse after 1995? By 2005 who had better performance? gradual?rapid? MOTIVATION HYPOTHESIS
OUTLINE • I:BACKGROUND:expectations, debates, data, methodology • II.EVOLUTION OF SOCIAL INDICATORS: general (HDI), poverty, income dist, health, educ, goods consumption • III. COMPARATIVE ASSESSMENT • IV. WHY GRADUAL NOT BETTER
RATIONALE OF GRADUALISM • “Restructuring involves large parts of population…[hence] gradualism can prove less costly. In the case of full reform a majority will be less well-off during the transition” Dewatripont and Roland (1992) • “Simplistic capitalist experiment has incurred high social costs” Amsden/Kochanowicz/Taylor (1994) • “Gradual [school of thought] argued there were large social costs associated with very rapid adjustments” Gordoy &Stiglitz(2006) • Przeworski(1991)democracy and market in conflict-reforms cause pain, anti-reformers win elections, reforms reversed
MID-NINETIES ASSESSMENTS • “The most acute poverty and welfare reversal in the world” (UNDP, Poverty in Transition (1998)). • “Output loss…higher and more persistent than during the great depression” (Grun and Klasen, Economy of Transition (2001)). • “Massive dislocations…have had huge social costs” (Milanović (1998)). • “We need to reform slowly to avoid social pain” (PM Yekhanurov,UKR, Sep.2005)
FACTS VERY “SOFT”-WHY? • Usual data problems for poverty and GINI (Different samples, locations, definitions, income vs. consumption, insufficient time series). • Problem of comparability between Soviet period and market:GDP vs. NMP;Social data unavailable or biased (unemployment, poverty “do not occur” in socialism); priviliged access to goods • Mid-nineties studies “premature”-half cycle only
DATA AVAILABILITY FOR UPDATE • A lot of new data allow comparison from about1989 to 2004, covers full transition cycle of decline and recovery • UNDP Human Development Report has data from 1990 to 2005 for most Social Indicators; broadly consistent definitions and not biased by big-bang philosophy.
EBRD TRANSITION PROGRESS INDICATOR 2004CE BALT SEE CISM CISL
GROUPINGS BY INITIAL STRATEGY AND TPI RANK VERY SIMILAR Ranking TPI ReformStrategy CE+BALT Big-Bang or Steady Progress SEE Some gradual,some Aborted Big-Bang CISM Most gradual, RU/KYR/ Aborted BB CISL Very limited reforms
II. EVOLUTION OF SOCIAL INDICATORS 1990-2005BY COUNTRY GROUP
- 2000 WELL-BEING AND REFORM START :DELHDI90-00xTPI94
III. ASSESSMENT-OVERALL • Mid-90’s studies too early to reflect recovery many ignored good performance of CEB • To 95: in ALL countries unemployment, poverty worsen, Gini rises, • BUT health,edu,cons:no deterioration in CE,small in Balt, very large in CISM • After 95: in ALL countries SOCIND turn-around;decline reversed in CEB by 2000, CISM&L still not reversed by 2005 • CONCLUSION? Gradual reformers more pain
ASSESSMENT CISM -CISL • CISM:cumulative output decline historically unique, social well-being deteriorated markedly, recovery not yet complete,most losers uncompensated • CISL:”official”output much better but questions of validity, sustainability; also SOCIND performance better in Belarus, and only marginally better
IV. WHY GRADUAL NOT BETTER? • Economics: delayed reforms,delayed adjustment,delayed recovery, delayed improvement, longer (and greater?) pain • Political economy: delayed reforms cause vicious circle of rent-seeking,oligarchy,state-capture,frozen transition, delayed recovery,barriers to SME,budget bias to big business, greater poverty, inequality
Against Competition, Prefer Status-Quo, Prefer Non-transparent Procedures Fear EU Membership Discipline Captures State Policy For Self-Interest Oligarchy Develops New Entrants SME’s Face Difficulties Weak Rule-of-Law Weak Support for EU Membership Creates Rent-Seeking Opportunities / Old Elite Revived Delayed Reform START EU Membership Offer (Weak) EU Membership Desire (Weak) VICIOUS CIRCLE OF DELAYED REFORM AND OLIGARCHIC DEVELOPMENT
CAPITALIST ELITES IN HISTORY • Rent-seeking and Oligarch resistance to liberalism not unique to Post-Communist economies; • “Elite Entrenchment” = Resistance to liberal markets (see article by Morck et al, Journ.of.Econ.Lit., September 2005). • Elite, or Incumbent Capitalist lobbies against competition (e.g. Glass-Steagall Act.,1934, USA: see Rajan and Zingales (2003) Saving Capitalism from Capitalists. • Successful Rent-Seeking rewarded by shareholders: Lee Iacocca of Chrysler and US “quotas” on Japanese automobiles 1982. • Oligarchs NOT equivalent to US Robber Barons or Chaebol in Korea: no prior value added; degree and speed of oligarch creation unique in history.
RECAPTURING STATES • BB v. GRAD Debate is history; new debate “Transition Inevitable”(TI) vs. “Transition Frozen” (TF) • TI argument: high degree of ownership eventually leads even oligarchs to seek security of property rights [Coase Theorem: in market any demand, including for institutions, will generate supply: Schleifer (1995) Aslund (1997); : “Yesterday’s thief is the staunchest defender of property rights” :Buiter (2000) • TF counter-argument:if rents exceed value of property rights oligarchs prefer status-quo [Havr-95&06;Hellman-98;Polischuk&Savateev-04;Sonin-03.
REDUCING POWER OF OLIGARCHS • Create open and environment for small business, ”level playing field” • Transparent and equal application of tax licensing, tender, other government actions. • Very judicious use of re-privatization,1-2 cases to signal new transparency-and only if clean legal case made.
COLOUR REVOLUTIONS • Reflects view of the demos (“ENOUGH –Mc Faul ) • Shows the demos can be very powerful; does this suffice to change oligarchs? • History clearly shows entrenched elites do not give up power easily (see: Morck et.al. 2005) • Frozen transition arguments and evidence, suggest similar entrenchment taking place • e.g. Ukraine: bitter fight of Dec.04 election ; Mar. 06 results “suggest elites not giving up”(Wilson-2006); new coalition Yuschenko-Yanukovich suggests oligarchs back in power