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How do active policies work for vulnerable youth?. by Henrik Lindegaard Andersen Research Fellow, MSc (econ.), PhD Danish Institute of Governmental Research, AKF. Introduction. Findings from a review of 25+ impact evaluations
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How do active policies work for vulnerable youth? by Henrik Lindegaard Andersen Research Fellow, MSc (econ.), PhD Danish Institute of Governmental Research, AKF
Introduction • Findings from a review of 25+ impact evaluations • Evaluates the effect of a labour market programme on employment, education enrolment etc. for (disadvantaged) unemployed youth • Conclusion: some evidence that job search assistance (with an element of monitoring) or wage subsidies can accommodate faster re-employment for youth. • Economically the effects are small and long-run effects even smaller. • Other programmes seem to make little difference for the participants, but generally, our knowledge is weak.
High knowledge demand • There is no shortage of policy proposals. There is, however, a shortage of empirical evidence on the efficacy of these policies. • Impact and process evaluations: negative or no-effect does not necessarily imply that the programme theory is false. • An experimental design is not the only solution. Quasi-designs or matching methods that rely on administrative data are also popular
Results from the review • Focus mainly on 4 types of programmes: • Human capital enhancing programmes such as ordinary or special education programme, and workplace training. Target group is low educated. • Private sector incentive schemes - typically wage subsidies targeted at persons with little experience. • Public sector job creation aimed at the hard to place. • Measures to raise job search efficiency (counselling, short courses, monitoring, sanctions). • But also on the effect of a programme on specific target groups (e.g. low educated, mental illness, social problems).
Education and training • We find some evidence of a negative short-term effect due to lock-in, but in the long run the impact becomes more positive (i.e. closer to zero) • Examples include a Swedish programme from the early nineties (Larsson, 2003) and a late nineties Finnish programme (Hämäläinen & Tuomala, 2007)
Wage subsidies • There is moderate evidence that wage subsidies have a positive impact on youth employment • Example: New Deal for Young People (UK) • But general equilibrium wage effects and substitution effects on other workers are seldom accounted for
Job creation programmes • Both positive and negative effects have been found. The evidence is weak • Example: German 1€ Jobs
Job search programmes • There is moderate evidence that job search programmes involving an element of monitoring and sanctions speed up the transition to employment and education, but some studies fail to find long-run impacts • Examples: New Deal for Young People (UK), ‘Ungegodti gang’ (DK) and ‘Ungdomsgarantin’ (SE)
Final remarks • Combined measures, e.g. counselling followed by training and a wage subsidy look promising. • Weak evidence concerning vulnerable youth with mental health or social problems. • Our findings seem consistent with existing meta and narrative reviews.