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Names, Expectations and the Black-White Test Score Gap. David Figlio University of Florida and NBER. Introduction. Blacks and Whites differ dramatically along a wide range of outcomes Education is no exception: Black-White test score gaps exist at the beginning of school
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Names, Expectations and the Black-White Test Score Gap David Figlio University of Florida and NBER
Introduction • Blacks and Whites differ dramatically along a wide range of outcomes • Education is no exception: • Black-White test score gaps exist at the beginning of school • These gaps expand as children get older • No shortage of explanations for this pattern
The role of teacher expectations? • Recent experimental evidence (Bertrand and Mullainathan, 2004) supports the notion that Blacks are differentially treated in the labor market, even by firms that advertise equal opportunity • Might subtle biases exist among teachers as well?
Field evidence from social psychology • Several important studies conducted in the 1970s (Coates, 1972; Feldman and Orchowsky, 1979; Rubovits and Maehr, 1973; Taylor, 1979) • Consistent finding: teachers take Black students less seriously than they do Whites
Questions regarding field evidence • Are similar behaviors to the one-time laboratory encounters found in the classroom, with frequent interaction and feedback? • Are results from the 1970s still relevant several decades later? • Presuming that teachers still treat Black children differently in 21st century classrooms, is this differential treatment related to “Blackness” per se, or to some factor like low socio-economic status?
Do expectations matter? • Recent work on teacher grading standards (e.g., Betts and Grogger, 2003; Figlio and Lucas, 2004) suggests that high expectations make a difference • Psychology research on teacher perceptions (Jussim et al, 1976) suggests that teacher perceptions impact student outcomes • Key question: Do student-specific factors influence teacher perception/expectation formation?
Purposes of this paper • Empirically document the degree to which teachers treat children differently in the classroom • Investigate whether this differential treatment is associated with student outcome differences • Employ a quasi-experimental research design in a large-sample setting that • Reduces the confounding role of unobserved variables • Allows for heterogeneous treatment effects
Implementing experimental design on a large scale • Ideal situation would be to randomly assign children to teachers, and follow children from year to year across multiple teachers • Problems with this approach: • Schools don’t do this • Even if they did, non-compliance could dramatically affect estimates (see, e.g., Ding and Lehrer, 2003)
An alternative approach: Within-family comparisons • Rather than follow children over time across different settings, instead study children cross-sectionally and assume that many of the important unobserved variables (e.g., student motivation or self-concept, family support) are invariant within a household • This is potentially problematic…more in a little while…
But… • Isn’t race (or SES) constant within a household? • (Or, put differently: When race is NOT constant within a household, do we honestly believe that the children identified as Black and White within a household are alike on unobservables??)
A solution: Names • Recent work in psychology (e.g., Rosenthal, Pelham, Shih) suggests that names influence self-perceptions and others’ perceptions about a person, as well as personal decisions • Considerable within-family variation in the types of names given to children (especially in Black families) • Do teachers form different expectations of Black (and White) children based on their names?
Is a name link plausible? • In one large Florida district: • Black-White test score gap increases by 32% from third grade to ninth grade • In third grade, 5% of the gap can be explained by different naming patterns • In ninth grade, 16% of the gap can be explained by different naming patterns • Are these relationships causal??
This paper • Detailed data from a large Florida school district • 164,000 children from 72,000 families, 1994-95 through 2000-01 • For kids born 1989 to present, I merge data with birth certificates, so I have mom’s education, birth weight, labor/delivery complications, prenatal care indicators • Test the hypotheses that • Teachers and administrators expect less from children with Black racially-identifiable names or other names that may connote low socio-economic status • These diminished expectations in turn lead to students performing less well on standardized tests
How to measure expectations? • I want to measure expectations based on teachers’ observed treatment of children • However, there are many unobserved variables (such as motivation, self-perception, peer behavior, etc.) that are correlated with observed teacher treatment • My solution: Find two teacher treatment variables that are highly positively correlated, but where an expectations story would have them moving in opposite directions
Two measures of expectations • Conditional on test scores, I consider expectations to be low if: • Students are more likely to be “socially promoted” • Students are less likely to be classified as gifted • Promotion and gifted status are EXTREMELY highly correlated, so a prediction of low expectations leading to a divergence in these two outcomes is a very strong one • Importantly, other plausible explanations for outcome patterns (e.g., racial identity explanation) DO NOT suggest that these variables move in opposite directions
The problem with sibling comparisons • Of course, you should be concerned that family assignment of names to children is non-random, and transitions in naming patterns may reflect transitions in affluence, segregation, identity, etc. that could affect both names and parenting in ways unobservable to the researcher.
Refinement of sibling comparison • I will, in turn, only look at siblings who: • Share the same mother and father • Are born within two years of one another • Are twins (small n)
Preview of findings • Children with low-SES names are treated differently from their siblings with more homogenized names at school • They tend to score less on tests than do their siblings
What’s in a name? • Linguistic analysis of names led to identification of four attributes of low SES: • Certain prefixes • Certain suffixes • Presence of apostrophe • Combination of long name and exotic consonants used • The more of these attributes present, the more likely that the mother is a high school dropout
Attributes of families with certain names The families of children with NO low-SES attributes are: 32% maternal dropouts 57% on Medicaid at time of birth 53% married at time of birth 19% with teenaged mother 41% Black
Attributes of families with certain names The families of children with ONE low-SES attribute are: 38% maternal dropouts 68% on Medicaid at time of birth 37% married at time of birth 28% with teenaged mother 62% Black
Attributes of families with certain names The families of children with TWO low-SES attributes are: 49% maternal dropouts 86% on Medicaid at time of birth 14% married at time of birth 42% with teenaged mother 96% Black
Attributes of families with certain names The families of children with THREE OR MORE low-SES attributes are: 55% maternal dropouts 90% on Medicaid at time of birth 6% married at time of birth 52% with teenaged mother 98% Black
Examples of names • One attribute: Damarcus • Two attributes: Da’Quan • Three attributes: Da’Nayvious* • Four attributes: Da’Qwinzzis* • Most popular low-SES name given to Whites: Jazzmyn, Chloe’ and Zakery • Names given to fewer than 10 children and therefore not mentioned explicitly in paper
Within-family transitions in names • Among families where the first child had no low-SES name attributes, 12% of succeeding same-sex siblings had a low-SES name • Among families where the first child had at least one low-SES name attribute, 18% of succeeding same-sex siblings had a low-SES name • For Black families, these percentages are 16% and 25% • For families with a high school dropout mother, these percentages are 12% and 19% • Considerable name-mixing exists between first and middle names as well, for the same child!
Name attributes and test scores • Estimated effect of changing names: • Drew to Dwayne: -0.68 pct pts math, -0.74 reading • Dwayne to Damarcus: -1.10 pct pts math, -1.17 pct pts reading • Damarcus to Da’Quan: -0.73 pct pts math, -0.78 pct pts reading • Da’Quan to Da’Qwinzzis: -0.66 pct pts math, -0.70 pct pts reading • Very similar results if count attributes rather than relying on empirical predictions of low SES • Evidence that “Blackness” of a name matters somewhat, but SES of the name matters much more
Children born to same father within two years of one another • Estimated effect of changing names: • Drew to Dwayne: -0.52 pct pts math, -0.76 reading (not statistically significant) • Dwayne to Damarcus: -1.00 pct pts math, -1.47 pct pts reading • Damarcus to Da’Quan: -0.66 pct pts math, -0.99 pct pts reading • Da’Quan to Da’Qwinzzis: -0.60 pct pts math, -0.88 pct pts reading
The ultimate sibling sniff test: Twins • 616 pairs of twins • Very little exploitable variation in names because of similarity in names given to twins, but there are a few cases of very different names given to twins, e.g., • Lakeisha and Laura • Nicholas and Shanicholas • Monica and Demonica
The ultimate sibling sniff test: Twins • Estimated effect of changing names: • Drew to Dwayne: -4.11 pct pts math, -1.81 reading (only statistically significant in math) • Dwayne to Damarcus: -1.77 pct pts math, -3.46 pct pts reading (stat sig in reading) • Damarcus to Da’Quan: -1.20 pct pts math, -2.40 pct pts reading • Da’Quan to Da’Qwinzzis: -1.08 pct pts math, -2.16 pct pts reading
Names and teacher expectations: GIFTED REFERRAL • Estimated effect of changing names: • Drew to Dwayne: 0.5 pct pts • Dwayne to Damarcus: -1.9 pct pts (significant) • Damarcus to Da’Quan: -1.3 pct pts • Da’Quan to Da’Qwinzzis: -1.2 pct pts
Names and teacher expectations: PROMOTION • Estimated effect of changing names: • Drew to Dwayne: 1.1 pct pts (marginal) • Dwayne to Damarcus: 1.4 pct pts (significant) • Damarcus to Da’Quan: 1.0 pct pts • Da’Quan to Da’Qwinzzis: 0.9 pct pts
Teachers, administrators, and peers • School administrators may also be responding to names, and can’t distinguish their responses from teacher responses—but that’s immaterial for my story • Peers may also respond to names, and form friendships and social groups on this basis. I am currently collecting data on the formation of playground friendships, and will address this in future work
Asian families as an alternative • Expect signs to flip • Long or Vivek has GPA | test score estimated 0.05 (p=0.21) lower than Asian named Alexander or Charles • Gifted result: 0.11 (p=0.00) higher • Test scores: 4 pct pts (p=0.16) higher • No apparent relationship re: promotion, though this may be because almost no Asian student ever repeats a grade
Heterogeneity across schools • I hypothesize that name-based expectations should be less pronounced in schools with • Larger numbers of Black students • Larger numbers of Black teachers
Black teachers • The results are stronger in schools with fewer Black teachers: (e.g. Damarcus vs. Dwayne) • Math test score: Few Black teachers: -1.21 (0.56), more Black teachers –0.29 (1.10) • Reading test score: Few Black teachers: -2.03 (0.51), more Black teachers 0.28 (0.95) • Promotion: Few Black teachers: 1.6 (0.7), more Black teachers 0.9 (1.3) • Gifted: Few Black teachers: -2.5 (0.9), more Black teachers –0.2 (1.4)
Conclusions • One mechanism through which the widening of the Black-White test score gap over the school cycle occurs may be due to teacher and school expectations—possibly leading to Black children learning less in school • Extra exposure reduces this pattern, and also reduces the likelihood of apparent name-based treatment differences • Results suggestive that teachers are responding to a race-perceived class combination when forming expectations • Role for professional development and teacher training?