Eastern Punjabi Dalits and Religious Conversion: A case study of Wolverhampton

1. Eastern Punjabi Dalits and Religious Conversion: A case study of Wolverhampton Meena Dhanda (University of Wolverhampton), Dave Morland (University of Teesside) and Steve Taylor (Northumbria University) Work in Progress, Please do not cite without permission

2. East Punjab and SCs • East Punjab a Sikh majority state • Higher proportion of SCs than in any other Indian state – 29% and scattered amongst different religions (Puri 2003; Ram 2007). • Particular concentration of SCs within the Doaba region (Judge 2002; Gosal 2004), 50% within some Doaba villages (Ram 2007). ChamarandChuhras(traditionally) the most numerous within the state (Jodhka 2002; Judge 2002) • Opposition to caste differentiation within the scriptures and spiritual teaching of Sikhism • But caste still a major issue in contemporary Punjab and within Punjabi UK communities. Wider equality issues raised during consideration of the Single equality Act. Castewatch campaigns here and worldwide.

3. The rationale for the research Building on previous research by Taylor et al. (2007) and Dhanda (2009) Originally a conversation about social movements and politics, and the wider political dimensions of caste identity both in India and UK Personal experience revealed that caste politics very much alive and kicking Exploratory visit to Wolverhampton to meet with reps from Punjabi Buddhist Society and Ambedkar Memorial Committee.

4. East Punjab and The Dalit Movement Exclusion, humiliation-subordination and exploitation (Sooryamoorthy 2008) on the basis of caste a significant feature of (historical and contemporary) lived experience within East Punjab (Jodhka 2002, 2004; Puri 2003; Ram 2004, 2007; Taylor et al 2007; Dhanda 2009) Significant influence of Ad Dharm movement, Ravidas, Ambedkar and BSP in Punjab (Juergensmeyer 1982; Judge 2002; Ram 2008; Hardtmann 2009) ‘The Punjab branches of (the RPI and Ambedkar’s Buddhist movement)…became among the most active outside of Ambedkar’s home state’ (Juergensmeyer 1982: 165) ‘Autonomous anti-caste tradition’ vs ‘Hindu (and Sikh) caste reform tradition’ (Hardtmann 2009)

5. SC Punjab-UK Migration Jat Sikhs dominating Eastern Punjab-UK migration (Kessinger 1974; Helweg 1979; Ballard 1994; Taylor et al 2007) 10% of UK Punjabis from the SCs, majority from the Chamar community and majority from Doaba (Juergensmeyer 1982; Judge 2002; Hardtmann 2009) Wolverhampton – one of the major centres of SC Eastern Punjabi migration, often via informal networks, ‘chain migration’, individual agency via SC passport officers (Juergensmeyer 1982; Judge 2002; Dhanda 2009; Hardtmann 2009); long established religious/social organisations for SC Punjabis (AMC = 40 year history). Eastern Punjabi Dalits – under-researched

6. Pilot Research Project Religious conversion alongside UK migration and the development of a heterogeneous Eastern Punjabi Dalit movement in the UK, exemplified by Wolverhampton (Juergensmeyer 1982; Hardtmann 2009) ‘A transnational dalitcounterpublic’ (Hardtmann 2009), within which particular organizations/establishments are central An examination of post-migration, post-conversion experience of the Dalit community in Wolverhampton, with a particular focus upon the relationship between self-identity and the ‘transnational dalitcounterpublic’ movement

7. Methodology • Nine semi-structured pilot interviews undertaken in Wolverhampton, March 2009 • 3 converts to Christianity (2 females 1 male, ages 26-57), 1 female born into post-conversion family • 6 converts to Buddhism (India and UK: 4 males 2 female, ages 33-65) • Conversion date range from 10-30+ years • Respondents principally but not exclusively from Chamar caste, 1 Jat Muslim convert to Christianity. • Some (4) participants were prominent, relatively powerful individuals within social/religious organizations, e.g. Ambedkar Memorial Committee of Great Britain/Buddha Vihara; Punjabi Buddhist Society; St John’s Methodist Church

8. Caste in the UK • ‘We have brought the caste system from India (to the UK)’ (int 3) – all interviewees – ‘waking up moments’ in the UK for some – ‘on the surface’ oppression is not as explicit • Exclusion • Inter-caste marriage – rare and with issues among families • Religious worship, socialisation largely within own communities: pre- and post-conversion • Family relations: shocked, shattered and rejected • Egs: Rakhi – denial by sister (int 1); a mother refusing to take food in her daughter’s home (int 5) • Humiliation-subordination • First awareness of caste at School/College or in workplace. People ‘letting you know who you are’. (ints all) ‘They will call you by that caste, just to degrade you in front of other people.’ (int 1) Rejection by families of prospective bride/groom (ints 7 and 9) • Exploitation • No direct evidence for this in Wolverhampton communities, but evidence elsewhere, Castewatch UK (2004); DSNUK (2006)

9. Perception of Caste Caste recognised as a permanent, deeply embedded cultural tradition and that conversion does not leave caste behind Bitter, visceral and emotive language used to describe caste: ‘a monster’ (int 1); ‘a disease’ (int 2); ‘It sticks’ (int 5); People are set in their ways‘ (int 9); I know for a fact that my grandchildren and their children will still taste the caste that we are from. It will be made known to them’ (int 1) Powerlessness in relation to caste? Something ‘done to you’ that you are ‘lumbered with’. ‘You can argue and increase the problem but its not worth arguing’ (int 1); Jat Sikh support for Ambedkar centre – solace/non-engagement in new religion, e.g. Christianity, Punjabi Buddhist Society.

10. Narrative: 33 yr female Buddhist • You should accept, not taunt a boy or girl who marries out of caste. [Pointing at her four year old sleeping son she says] His dad says I will not let him marry out of caste, I say, in England you cannot stop him if he wants to. • Organisations such as Ambedkar Centre do not do enough. The truth is bitter. Why do they not do out-of-caste civil marriages?…They should especially do something about caste – Ambedkar has said it. • With this (becoming a Buddhist) in a way you rid yourself of caste; as a Christian it remains. When I became a Buddhist, people made fun of me: ‘hun buddhu ban gayi!’ [Now she has become a simpleton/brainless/witless].

11. Conversion • The majority of respondents (7) converted to Christianity or Buddhism post-migration; Indian conversions connected to UK migration (e.g. via marriage) • Conversion generally rationalised in terms of self-betterment, personal development, self-respect. • ‘It’s not only benefits…you want self-respect and you don’t want to become inferior’ (int 3), e.g. Ambedkarite Buddhists comparing themselves with Ravidasis who are seen as ‘cheap class Sikhs’ (int 4). Interviewees refer to gaining respect (ints 7 & 8) ‘I’m proud to be Buddhist’ (int 3). • ‘strength’ ‘confidence’ (int 6);

12. Conversion • Many respondents indicated that complete rejection of previous religious rituals was crucial to conversion and ‘new’ identity. ‘We don’t mix…it has to be 100%’ (int 3). • Some evidence of gendered/power differences here: ‘I’ve got Hindu Gita, Guru Granth upstairs. None of them say we should do this. I respect all!’ (int5) • Evidence of different rationalizations • e.g. ‘heart’ as opposed to ‘head’ amongst Christian and Buddhist converts • Gendered explanations – personal/community vs religious institutions; experience of conversion - respect vs inner confidence

13. Conversion • Evidence of more acceptance and respect (in India and UK) to Buddhist as opposed to Christian converts, but humiliation and conflict in early post-conversion experience • “When I became a Buddhist, people made fun of me: ‘hun buddhu ban gayii’” (int 6) • “In the early days…our people had fights in the pubs and clubs with the communities over here.” (int 3) • ‘Are you a new Buddhist?’ (int 7) • Later experience • ‘It’s taken 20 yrs and a lot of struggle, but we’re now finally accepted’ (int 3) • ‘peace of mind’ (int 7, 8)

14. Autonomous Anti-Caste Movement ? Non-engagement with caste system through religious solace, enabled by particular religious organizations (Punjabi Buddhist Society; Christian Church) – ‘helping the poor’ in India (e.g. Punjabi Buddhist Society health centre), similar rationalization to Jat Sikhs donation to A.C Ambedkarite Buddhists engaging with the caste system and pursuing the autonomous anti-caste position of Ambedkar: publication and dissemination of Ambedkarite and Buddhist literature; emphasis upon SCs and Buddhists as ‘original inhabitants’; encouraging and funding education, conversion, anti-casteism and anti-Ghandianism amongst SCs in Punjab Ambedkarite Buddhist autonomous anti-caste movement (transnational dalit counter-public) enabled by specific organization – Dr Ambedkar Memorial Committee

15. Self-Identity and Caste Reform At the individual level, actions and identity often rationalized in terms of caste reform – even for Ambedkarite Buddhists Intra-caste marriages preferred by the post-migration, post-conversion community, despite the recognition that ‘inter-caste marriages may be the only way to change this system’ (int 3, 6) Conversion seen by respondents as giving more status and power within the Indian community (UK and India) – land ownership (Christian convert); ‘good marriage proposal’ (Buddhist convert) Organizations (e.g. Ambedkar Memorial Committee in India) enabling control over resources, ‘influence’ and increasing status Some evidence of some dissatisfaction from younger generation re progress on caste politics (int 6)

16. Where we Go Next ? • Detailed, ethnographic fieldwork within SC Christian, Ravidasi and Ambedkarite Buddhist communities in Wolverhampton • We need to build up a more detailed picture of Wolverhampton and its context • Focus upon the relationships between the above communities • Also need to think about potential generational differences re perspective of caste politics • Focus upon relationships between the above communities and other Eastern Punjabi communities in Wolverhampton – e.g. Jat Sikh, Hindu communities • An opportunity to explore how post-conversion/faith identity compares with ‘Punjabi’ identity • Focus upon the interplay between individual experiences and identities and the role of social/religious organizations within the above communities • Within this focus on possible gendered divisions

17. References • Ballard, R. (1994) ‘The Emergence of Desh Pardesh’ in Ballard, R. (ed) Desh Pardesh: The South Asian presence in Britain, London: Hurst and Company. • Castewatch UK (2004) Caste Divide in Britain, http://www.castewatchuk.org/resources.htm • Contursi, J.A. (1989) ‘Militant Hindus and Buddhist Dalits: Hegemony and Resistance in an Indian Slum’, American Ethnologist, 16, (3), 441-457.  • Dalit Solidarity Network UK (2006) No Escape: Caste Discrimination in the UK, London: Barrow-Cadbury Trust • Deleuze and Guattari (1988) A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia, London: Athlone Press • Dhanda, M. (2009) ‘Punjabi Dalit Youth: Social dynamics of transitions in Identity’, Contemporary South Asia, 17, 1, 47-63. • Gosal, R.P.S. (2004) ‘Distribution and Relative Concentration of Scheduled Caste Population in Punjab’ in Puri, H. (ed) Dalits in Regional Context, New Delhi: Rawat, 21-43. • Hardtmann, E.H. (2009) The Dalit Movement in India: Local practices, global connections, New Delhi: Oxford University Press. • Helweg, A. (1979) Sikhs in England: The development of a migrant community, New Delhi: Oxford University Press. • Jodhka, S.S. (2002) ‘Caste and Untouchability in Rural Punjab’, Economic and Political Weekly, 37, 1813-23. • Jodhka, S.S. (2004) ‘Sikhism and the Caste Question: Dalits and their politics in contemporary Punjab’, Contributions to Indian Sociology, 38, 165-92. • Judge, P.S. (2002) ‘Punjabis in England: The Ad-Dharmi Experience’, Economic and Political Weekly, 37, (31), 3244-3250

18. References • Juergensmeyer, M. (1982) Religion as Social Vision: The movement against untouchability in 20th century Punjab, Berkeley: University of California Press. • Kessinger, T.G. (1974) Vilayatpur 1848-1968: Social and economic change in a north Indian village, Berkeley: University of California Press. • Massey, J. (1995) Dalits in India: Religion as a Source of Bondage or Liberation with Special Reference to Christians, New Delhi: Manohar • Puri, H.K. (2003) ‘Scheduled Castes in Sikh Community: A Historical Perspective’, Economic and Political Weekly, 30, (26), 2693-2701. • Ram, R. (2004) ‘Limits of Untouchability, Dalit Assertion and Caste Violence in Punjab’, in Puri, H. (ed) Dalits in Regional Context, New Delhi: Rawat, 132-90. • Ram, R. (2007) ‘Social Exclusion, Resistance and Deras in Punjab: Exploring the myth of casteless Sikh society in Punjab’, Economic and Political Weekly, October. • Ram, R. (2008) ‘Ravidass Deras and Social Protest: Making sense of dalit consciousness in Punjab’, Journal of Asian Studies, 67, 1341-1364. • Sooryamoorthy, R. (2008) ‘Untouchability in Modern India’, International Sociology, 23, (2), 283-293. • Taylor, S., Singh, M. and Booth, D. (2007) ‘Migration, Development and Inequality: Eastern Punjabi transnationalism’, Global Networks, 7, 3, 328-47.