THE VÕRO LANGUAGE - "FACING THE BRIGHT FUTURE?” Kadri Koreinik University of Tartu/Võru Institute

1. THE VÕRO LANGUAGE - "FACING THE BRIGHT FUTURE?”Kadri Koreinik University of Tartu/Võru Institute “Lesser Used Languages in Estonia and Europe” September 30 – October 1, 2005, Roosta, Estonia

2. What is Võro? • A language (võro kiil’) or dialect (Võru murre) different from standard (eesti kirjakeel) and common Estonian (eesti ühiskeel) spoken in SE Estonia. • Until 20th century two ancient tribal languages of North and South Estonian existed in the Estonian territory. • In course of nation-building North Estonian became a basis for the standard Estonian. • The Võru and Setu differ the most from the standard and common Estonian in all levels of language, the most manifest include: vowel harmony, glottal stop in nominative plural, different 3rd person singular in the indicative mood, negative particle follows the verb, etc. • In terms of status, Võro has been considered as a dialect or sub-variety or subordinate language in the Estonian linguistic tradition and public/language policy. • Today, despite of the functional inferiority of Võro, a number of linguists maintain that there is (a) separate language(s) or a language group (e.g. South Estonian, Võro and Seto, Võro-Seto).

3. A fragment from the map “Finno-Ugric and Samoyedic Languages”. Source: Urmas Sutrop. Estonian Language. Estonian Institute 2004

5. Võro in everyday use • According to the case study from 1991 in Sutõ village, the users can be divided into three groups: • informants/people born before 1935 (prior to WW II, many archaic features, prioritised the dialect over the standard ) • between 1935-1960 (pretty levelled use, differs radically from the oldest group, respond in Estonian when approached, interference, learned Estonian in school) • and after 1960 (large individual in-group differences, limited register, use the standard with each other) • According to the representative survey from 1998 • up to 70, 000 local residents claimed the frequent or occasional use of Võro, considered as passive and active users of Võro • less prestigious language - women, younger residents, people with higher education, and urban dwellers reported less frequent use • spoken more with elderly parents rather than with children • both code shifts and alternations are widespread • perceived mostly as local community language with rather limited register, but still normal, expected, and legitimate in SE Estonia

6. Institutionalising Võro • Since the end of 1980s (the Estonian new awakening!) the Võro movement has been active in language planning and maintenance activities. • Today, NGOs and other organisations of civic engagement that support the use of Võro include: Võro Selts VKKF, Tal’na Võro Selts, Toronto Võrokeste Selts, Haanimiihhi Nõvvukoda, many village organisations. • In 1995 the Estonian government founded Võru Institute, a R&D institution, which aims at the preservation and revitalisation of Võro. • Since the end of 1980s the new Võro standard has been elaborated, its guiding line has been: • to find compromise between sharp sociolinguistic markers • to maintain specific South Estonian features • to follow the tradition of Tartu literary language (“Agenda Parva” 1622, “Wastne Testament” 1686) • Since 2000 activities in Võro and in other local languages are supported by the state programme “Southern Estonian language and culture”

7. Institutionalising Võro • In 2002 the bilingual Võro-Estonian dictionary was published with 15,000 entries, Estonian-Võro will follow soon • Increasing use in public signs and texts (commercials, marketing), including Võro toponymes to the basic map • Adaptation of software (e.g. Opera, Total Commander) • Since the end of 1990s Võro has been very popular in theatre: the Estonian-wide popularity came with a number of plays by Madis Kõiv and Kauksi Ülle, staged by Ingo Normet, Ain Mäeots, Taago Tubin. • All authors who have been writing in Võro have received the positive attention from both critics and wider Estonian audience (from Adson to Contra, from Studia Memoriae to ). The list of authors writing in Võro is gradually increasing, including young promising poets and prosaists. • Two songs in Võro made to the top of national hit lists: “Kõnõtraat” in 1994 and “Tii” in 2004as a winner of local Eurovision song contest.

11. Võro in education • Theoretically it is possible to study Võro between grades 1-9 in 21 schools in Põlva, Valga and Võru counties - ~half schools in a region, that constituted the administrative unit between 1783-1920 • Yet the possibility depends on several factors: if school administration is positive towards Võro, if the teacher is available and if the timetable allows to participate • Võru Institute has provided schools with teaching materials (e.g. primer, reader, workbook, tapes), has elaborated and proposed draft curriculum • As the subject is optional and does not belong to the national curriculum, the Võro class like the local culture/history in general has been described as peripheral in the school environment (Brown forthcoming) • Although the peripheral status gives teachers some independence in teaching, there is a need for support and legitimacy that national curriculum could provide.

13. Võro in media • South Estonian appears first in print media with “Tarto maa rahwa Näddali-Leht” in 1806 • Võro has appeared occasionally in local county newspapers and its content has been mainly: jokes, sometimes pejorative, quotations in interviews with Võro speakers, a travelogue, etc. • In early 1990s Võro Radio was shortly broadcasting (mainly news-reporting, programme for children, interviews). Today the national radio broadcasts short news in Võro every other week • In national TV, a number of documentaries and talk shows (e.g. “Kaemi perrä!”, “Kihoq”, “Mõtõlus”) were produced resulting from the state programme • Võro is also present in the Internet (e.g. http://wi.werro.ee/bibliograafia, http://www.ekk.ee/avka) • Since 2000 the regular “Uma Leht“(UL) was published in every other week in 10,000 exemplars. Also available online (http://www.umaleht.ee)

14. UL is rather typical example of community media -”giving voice to various (older and newer) social movements, minorities, and sub/counter-cultures, and the emphasis on self-representation” Carpentier et al. 2003) • UL is read regularly or occasionally by 3/4 residents of Võru and Põlva county between 15-74 = ca. 32,000 (Source: Saar Poll 2005). • an example of alternative media • not by opposing the power structure/governing ideologies or undermining them • but rather by providing news from a different perspective (c.f. standard Estonia, local identity) and • about the local community and matters, which are of little interest for mainstream media (everyday life at the local level, environmental, gender issues, minorities - e.g. Saami, Udmurts) • independent from market but not from state (direct mail, free) • horizontally structured and small-scale, oriented towards a specific community (Võro speakers or readers)

15. Discourse on the status of language • In 2004 a proposal to Estonian Government to recognise South Estonian (incl. Võro) as a language in order: • to improve its prestige, • to widen its domains • and remove the legal vacuum • Articles concerning the status were analysed • Two opposing ideologies were found: • hegemonic, nationalistic ideology, anti Russian, europessimistic, inclusive • antagonistic, minority supportive ideology, innovative, still inclusive • Two kinds of argumentation were explicit: • convincing the audience to follow 19th century nationalistic course • finding support for (linguistic) minorities, to promote general tolerance

16. To sum up or to leave it open? • Both empirical studies imply that the diglossic situation of pre-war period, which even existed shortly after World War II, has changed to individual bilingualism, which is rapidly disappearing. • To paraphrase Skutnabb-Kangas and Fishman: schools alone cannot save languages whereas they can kill a language • Dominant nationalistic ideologies do not allow multiple identities • Lack of recognition and local solidarity to revitalise the language • Many dilemmas for the speech community and the Estonian society: • is my mother tongue a dialect (emamurre)? • who is legitimate to judge over the status and standard - linguists, the state or the community? What is the community? Will the imagined community count? • is language planning (resources!) needed for dialects • ?