Principles and Parameters (I)

Principles and Parameters (I) Rajat Kumar Mohanty rkm@cse.iitb.ac.in Department of Computer Science and Engineering Indian Institute of Technology Bombay

Outline • X-bar theory and non-lexical Categories • X-bar structure of S • Spec-head Configuration • VP-internal Subject Hypothesis • Extended Projection Principle • Small Clause • X-bar structure of S` • [+Q]-CP Principle • Binary Branching and VP-shells

Levels of Representation in Universal Grammar (UG) Theta roles Lexicon X-bar rules Constrained by theta criterion D(eep)-Structure Move-alpha S(urface)-Structure Transformational rules Constrained by EPP LF (logical form) PF (phonetic form)

Projection Principle • Representations at each syntactic level (i.e., LF, DS and SS) are projected from the lexicon, in that they observe the subcategorisation properties of lexical items.

X-bar Theory • It tells us how words are combined to make phrases and sentences. • It captures the commonality between different types of phrases, which PS-rules cannot.

X-bar Projection XP (Maximal projection) (Intermediate projection) X ` YP X (Zero projection) ZP

X-bar Projection XP (X-phrase) YP (Specifier) X ` X (Head) ZP (Complement)

X-bar Projection XP X ` YP (Specifier) X ` ZP (Adjunct) (Head) ZP (Complement) X

X-bar Projection NP N ` NP John’s N PP solution to the problem

X-bar Projection NP N ` Det the N ` PP In the cabinet meeting PP N of the cricket match discussion

C(onstituent)-command • C-command is a structural relation among the terminal and non-terminal nodes in a syntactic tree •  c-commands  iff: • the first branching node dominating  also dominates  •  does not dominate  A B E C D F G

C-command NP Det N ` PP N ` the NP P PP N of discussion NP Det P N ` the cricket match the of N meeting

Government •  governs  iff •  is a lexical head (or tensed I) •  C-commands  • No barrier (VP, NP, PP, AP, or tensed IP) intervenes between  and 

X-bar structure of S : IP • I(NFL(ECTION)) as the Head of S ( = S) IP ( = Aux) I ` Spec(ifier) I VP NP Tense : [+/- FINITE] Φ-features: [PNG, case] … ……

Spec-Head Agreement • A head (X) and its specifies (Spec-X) must agree in relevant features IP I ` NP Case: NOM PNG: 3sg I VP Case: NOM PNG: 3sg … ……

VP-internal Subject Hypothesis The external argument of a verb is generated within the VP. ( = S) IP I ` Spec … VP I V ` Tense Φ-features … Spec V NP NP … …

John likes his teacher. IP I ` Spec VP I V ` NP [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] … V NP John like his teacher

Extended Projection Principle • There must be a subject in a clause. • Examples • John likes his teacher • *(There) is a unicorn in the garden

John likes his teacher. IP I ` NP Johni VP I V ` NP [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] … V NP ti like his teacher Movement rule

There is a unicorn in the garden. IP NP I ` There VP I V ` Spec [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] … Insertion rule V ` PP V NP in the garden be a unicorn

IP John considers Bill to be incompetent I ` NP I VP John [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] … NP V ` ti V IP consider NP I ` VP I Bill V ` NP To [+EPP] ti V AP be incompetent

Small Clause • John considers Bill tobe incompetent • *John considers Bill to incompetent • *John considers Bill be incompetent • John considers Bill incompetent Small clause

IP John considers Bill incompetent I ` NP I VP John NP V ` [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] … ti V AP consider NP A ` N ` A N incompetent Bill

X-bar structure of S-bar : CP • C(omp(lementizer)) as the Head of S` ( = S` ) CP C ` Spec C IP ( = S ) …… [+/- Q]

IP I think that John should leave I ` NP I VP N ` NP V ` N + EPP … V CP I think Spec C ` ti IP C [-Q] John should leave that

IP I want for John to leave I ` NP I VP N ` NP V ` N + EPP … V CP I want Spec C ` ti IP C [-Q] John to leave for

IP I wonder if John has left I ` NP I VP N ` NP V ` N + EPP … V CP I wonder Spec C ` ti IP C [-Q] John has left if

CP Who did Mary see? C ` Spec [+Q]-CP Principle: C IP [+ Q] A [+Q]-CP must have a specifier NP I ` NP did I VP … +EPP Aux Spec V ` whoj Maryi NP NPi V tj see

Binary Branching and VP-shells • A node can dominate at most two branches • John put the book *(on the shelf) • John put *(the book) on the shelf • Put: [V; _ NP PP] • S V (NP) (PP)

v P VP-Shell v ` spec v VP V ` NP light verb PP V put Head-to-head movement constraint V-raising

IP John put the book on the shelf I ` NP v P I N ` v ` spec N Tense AGR +EPP … v VP John ti V ` put NP PP V the book on the shelf ti

Summary • Projection Principle: Lexical information (such as theta roles) is syntactically represented at all levels of representation • X-bar Theory tells us how words are combined to make phrases and sentences. • The head of S is I(NFL(LECTION) and the head of S` is Comp(lementizer) • VP-internal Subject Hypothesis: The external argument of a verb is generated within the VP. • Extended Projection Principle (EPP): A clause must have a subject • [+Q]-CP Principle: A [+Q]-CP must have a specifier • Transformational rules can be • movement rules • insertion rules • Rules must be maximally constrained, otherwise they could produce anything (e.g., Head-to-head movement constraint, EPP, etc)

Sources and further readings • Comsky, Noam. 1965. Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. CUP, Cambridge. • Comsky, Noam. 1981. Lectures on Government and Binding. Foris, Dordrecht. • Ouhalla, Jamal. 1994. Introducing Transformational grammar. Arnold, London.

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Principles and Parameters (I)