310 likes | 463 Views
[] from []. lip or lingual vs. lip & lingual. James M Scobbie 2 nd Ultrasound Workshop UBC Vancouver April 2004. Why ultrasound?. Approximants involve open constrictions EPG is limited to anterior constrictions Multiple articulations Complex articulatory/acoustic relationships
E N D
[] from [] lip or lingual vs. lip & lingual James M Scobbie 2nd Ultrasound Workshop UBC Vancouver April 2004
Why ultrasound? • Approximants involve open constrictions • EPG is limited to anterior constrictions • Multiple articulations • Complex articulatory/acoustic relationships • EMA is limited to analysis of anterior coils • Ultrasound can show all of tongue • Acoustics, EPG and video (lips) can be aligned • Slow moving articulations • No need for high sample rate? • Non-invasive, good for vernacular speech
Why English approximants? • /r/ sandhi is perhaps the most regular alternation in Southern British English (SBE) • Phonological/phonetic status of this segmental alternation between something and nothing • Labiodentalisation of /r/ is one of a set of far-reaching changes in contemporary SBE… • Nature of phonetic processes involved • Phonological mergers and phonotactic changes • along with vocalisation of /l/ and /l/ sandhi • Phonetic nature of vocalisation/labialisation • Relationship to rich systems of light/dark allophony
Dorsal coil Pharyngeal gesture Why not EMA? • Point-based analysis • Coil position & speed • Interarticulatory timing • Physically intrusive • Stylistically off-putting • Coils in wrong place
Labiodentalisation of /r/ to [] • Large amounts of “[]” • A change in production of (onset) /r/, but what? • A phonological change to //? • Early stages of merger with /l/ or /w/? • Anecdotal reports • Misperceptions of /Tr fr pr br spr/ as /fw pw… • Misperceptions of /tr dr kr gr/ etc. as /tw dw… • Merger of /kr/ and /kw/ • Merger of /r/ and /w/ • Almost 50% of speakers on UK TV had a []
Is “[]” a vocalisation/loss of /r/? • English multiconstrictional approximant /r/ • Labial, alveolar and velar/pharyngeal gestures • Variants: bunched, retroflex… • Non-approximant allophones, e.g. affricated /tr/ • Diachronic vocalisation of coda /r/ complete • Weakened gestures? loss of [] in codas plus • mergers and rejigging of the vowel system
Current variation and change • An increasingly crowded labial-lingual space • Onset /r/ labial & posterior approx labiodental approx • /w/ labial & posterior approx • vocalised coda /l/ labial & posterior approx • /v f/ (& */D T/) labiodentals
Methodology • Speakers with [] and speakers with [] • Pilot stage – 2 of former, 1 of latter (variable) • Materials • “a ree” and “a raw” vs. “a vee” and “a vaw” • In a 32 item varied list with clusters, /l/, /w/… • Analyses • Acoustic analysis of formant targets and movement • Ultrasound analysis of lingual constrictions • Video analysis of labial constriction
Methodology • QMUC Hardware & software • Video mix, Articulate Assistant, helmet • 25Hz sampling rate (40ms per frame) • Each frame shows 2 interleaved scans or so • 120° field of view • Annotation method • Tongue shape in frame of maximal labialisation for /r/ and for /v/ • Lip & tongue are roughly time-aligned ±40ms? • Tongue shape in frame of maximal []-ness • Tongue shape for following vowel
Methodology • Hypotheses • “lip or lingual” [] has no lingual component (like [v]) • “lip and lingual”unlike [v], [] differs from [] in gestural timing/strength • Tests • If /r/ minus /v/ = 0, assume hypothesis 1 • Otherwise, favour hypothesis 2 • Expect intertoken variation
Results • Impressionistically • The control Scots have [] • The labiodental speaker mostly has [] but is variable and in particular the onset to some /r/ sounds labial
/r/ LQ1 (reps 1-3) LQ2 (reps 1-3) vLQ1 (reps 1-3)
Scottish control speakers with [] • Frames of maximal labialisation of /w/ /r/ /v/ (/l/) in two vowel contexts /i/ // • Lingual comments • /v/ has a fairly neutral tongue shape • /l/ is… uvularised • /w/ is… velarised • /r/ varies but can be pharyngealised Speaker 1 (left) is “bunched/tip down”? Speaker 2 (right) is “retroflex/tip up”? • Labial comments • /w/ more bilabial than /r/, /v/ is labiodental
wo wi
ro ri
vo vi
lo li
SBE vLQ1 speaker with variable [] • Fanned grid • 3 splines taken from maximal labial frame (r & v)maximal lingual frame (r only)vowel
SBE speaker with variable [] • Frame of maximal labialisation precedes maximal lingual []-like configuration (by more than 1 frame) • Lingual comments • /r/ is tip down, with two clear constrictions • Labial comments • /w/ more bilabial than /r/, /v/ is labiodental
/ro/ SBE speakervLQ1 delay max lab to max r-like+ 3 frames (80-120ms)+2+1
SBE vLQ1 speaker with variable [] • 15 points at 5° on lingual spline measured from transducer centrepoint
Consistency of /v/ and vowel • Mean of n=3 /v/ in each, n=6 vowel • Consistent, so individual tokens of /r/ can be compared to mean /v/ for that vowel
SBE vLQ1 speaker with variable [] • Subtract average [v] from maximum labial frame and maximum lingual frame of /r/ • Is there zero lingual difference? • Or is labialisation enhanced in size or timing?
Labial/lingual asynchrony in /ri/ Blue at max labialisation, red at max lingual [r]
Labial/lingual asynchrony in /r/ Blue at max labialisation, red at max lingual [r]
Vowel conditioned changes in /r/ • Mean lingmax of /r/ raw locations
Vowel conditioned changes in /r/ • Mean lingmax /r/ minus relevant mean [v]
Conclusions • The SBE speaker using “labiodental” /r/ • is variable, • perhaps due to labial-lingual timing variation • Need quantitative comparison with controls • Need numerous labiodental speakers • Acoustic analysis by Mark Jones (2004) shows labiodental /r/ can be very labial in character • The two control subjects have two types of /r/ • /r/ is tip down, with two clear constrictions • Ultrasound is a good technique, for this study