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Explore the architecture of the pre-nominal adjective ordering in English, focusing on three types of adjectives, past participles modifying unaccusatives, changes in argument structure, and the degree/number layer. Uncover insights from Epstein (1999), Cinque (2010), and more.
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Premodification Elly van Gelderen 18 June 2019 University of Frankfurt
Outline Architecture of the Pre-N DP: expanding DP what-for split in English adjective-ordering and grammaticalization three types of adjectives Aspect and argument structure of deverbalmodifiers Past participles modifying unaccusatives Changes in the AS of past participles
The degree/number layer Epstein (1999) And CardP + KindP
The modifier layer Cinque (2010)
Demonstratives [i-phi] [i-loc] article pronounC copula [u-phi] [i-phi] [u/i-T] [u-T]
Features of DP (1) a. I saw that. b. *I saw the. (2) DP DP that D’ D NP [i-loc] D NP the 3S [i-ps] 3S [u-phi]
Demonstratives (1) demonstrative/adverb > definite article > Case/non-generic > class marker > 0 (2) a. min þætungesælige mod =OE my that unhappy spirit b. min ungesælige mod (Gregory's Dialogues, 4.9, from Wood, to appear: 15) (3) gife to … þamunecas of þemynstre =LOE give to … the monks of the abbey (Peterborough Chron. 656) (4) To frownevponth'enrag'd Northumberland =EModE (2Henry4, Shakespeare) (5) Oh they used to be ever so funny houses you know and in them days … They used to have big windows, but they used to a all be them there little tiny ones like that. (BNC - FYD 72)
DP Cycle a. DP b. DP dem D' D' (=HPP) D NP D NP art N c. DP D' D NP ^ N renewal
Renewal (English, Afrikaans, Fr, Scand) • mais ma femme elle vivait à ce moment-làencore but my wife she lived at that moment-DEM still `but my wife was still alive at that moment.’ (Kate Beeching's corpus)
I.1 Melanie Hobich’s (2018) work what-for split in Emod English (1) What is he for a Ladde you so lament? (OED 1579, Spenser Shepheardes Cal. Apr. f. 12) (2) When the Lacedemonians enquired, what Xenophon was for a man, he answered, that [etc.]. (OED, 1623, Bingham tr. Xenophon Hist. 136) (3) Consider ... how many, and what for Epistles he sent to this very City. (OED, 1657, BuccardusPrayse of Peireskius, GassendiMirrour of Nobility 265) (4) What is she for a Woman? (OED, 1707, Cibber Comical Lovers i. 10) (5) What are you for a Lover. (OED, 1708, Brit. Apollo 15–17 Sept) (6) ‘What is that for a Zenobia?’ said Hartley. (OED, 1827, Scott Surgeon's Daughter in Chron. Canongate 1st Ser. II. xi. 273)
All from non subject-positions So, no anti-locality or indeterminacy violations Cf. Wat is datwatvooreen person! *Wat gaanvoormensenweg? The wh- is XP b/c of movement.
Variants • has a gloss: (7) Is he for a ladde) A straunge manner of speaking .s. what maner of Ladde is he? (Glosses of E.K) In the text of (4): (8) what for my being disappointed of your Promise. (9) what kind of Woman I am to marry. Also: (10)Thise seven yeer hath setenpalamounForpyned, what for wo and for distresse. `These seven years Palamon has sat wasted by suffering, what for woe and for distress. (Chaucer, KnT 1452) (11) Is he of Gods making? What manner of man? (Sh)
In OE: what + genitive? c897K. Ælfred tr. Gregory Pastoral Care xxi. 164 Hwæt is ðingaþebiterresie on ðæslareowes mode..ðonne se andaðe for ryhtwisnessebiðupahafen? OE Beowulf 237 Hwætsyndongesearohæbbendra, byrnumwerede? a1225 St. Marher. 4 Hwetgoddheiestu ant hersumest? a1300 Cursor Mundi 29034 Quatbote is fra mete to min And dedeli for to lig in sin? 1382 Bible (Wycliffite, E.V.) 1 John iii. 12 And for what thing slew he him? c1384 ChaucerHous of Fameii. 525 ‘And what sovne is it lyke?’ quod hee. c1384 ChaucerHous of Fameiii. 1058 And eueryche cried, what thing is that? And sommesayde, I not neuer what. a1400–50 Wars Alex. 683 Quatsterne is it at ȝestody on? a1400 (▸a1325) Cursor Mundi (Trin. Cambr.) l. 13154 What manerþingRede I aske of þekyng.
Bolinger (1972), Corver (2000), Wood (2002), and Vangsnes (2008)
Expansion of upper DP Kind > Card > Degree Kind is above the Modifier layer Wat voor [leuke] boeken In Emod English, wh = XP and for = KIND
I.2 Lydia Grohe’s work Adjective-ordering • opinion size appearance speed age pretty, ugly large soft, sweet fast old shape color origin material + N round pink Israeli golden Stage – Individual// Subjective – Objective// Pred-Attr Grammaticalization
Modification by a noun in COHA Cf. also Biber & Gray 2011
Arguments over adjuncts Biology teacher *ian teacher (Christian, Parisian, …)
Grammaticalization Of the lower adjectives, color could grammaticalize: shape color origin material E.g. (1) green affordable housing (2) Red light/herring/warning/alert (3) A blue mood/life/day (4) Grey wisdom/bleakness
Shape and color: misaligned? COCA: 45 round blue; 0 blue round and the earlier CLMET: 1-0. But for red: COCA: 31 round red; 6 red roundand CLMET: 5-3. Colors are secondary qualities, according to John Locke, and “whatever reality we, by mistake, attribute to [colors, smells, sounds], are in truth nothing in the Objects themselves, but Powers to produce various sensations in us, and depend on those primary Qualities, viz. Bulk, Figure, Texture, and Motion of parts” (1690, Essay II, VIII, 13-14).
L1 Cinque (2010: 36) refers to Blackwell (2001; 2005) for English and Cardinaletti & Giusti 2007 for Italian that individual level (round, pretty, green) adjectives are earlier than stage level (dirty, happy, sad) ones. So closer to the lexical core is first. What about shape & color? Children pay special attention to object shapes (Landau et al 1988) Expect the reverse order?
‘Middle’ layer No grammaticalization of color to the left of shape (round + green). round green vs green round in COHA
I.3 Priscilla Adenuga’s(2018) work Ògè has attributive adjectives heading the nominal phrase, and these adjectives are nouns. More on the adjective layer Attributive: SL and IL
Old Norse and Old English From nominalizer, as in Ògè, to a higher slot In Old Norse and Old English: a nominal attributive modifier in n and a postnominal verbal one. Modern Norwegian and English: No longer nominalizer but higher
Weak and strong Weak = nominal and IL (1) þau in stóru skipOld Norse those DEF big.W ships ‘those big ships’ (Hkr I.437.13, Faarlund 2004: 82) Nygaard (1906: 48): "[a]djektivetbetegner da enbekjendtegenskab ... ellerenegenskap, der tillhørergjenstandenefter dens naturogvæsen" (‘the adjective denotes a known characteristic … or a characteristic that belongs to the thing according to its nature’).
Strong As are both pre- and post- (2)auðgommannifyrir wealthy.S man before `before a wealthy man' (Hávamál 70) (3)At hyggiandisinniscylitmaðrhrœsinnvera In thought his should.not man boastful.S be `A man shouldn't be boastful in his thought'. (Hávamál 6) These are SL and RC-like
van Gelderen & Lohndal (2008) (1)hinnsiðastavetr DEF last.W winter ‘the last winter’ (Gordon 1956) Weak moves but Strong doesn’t
Julien’s (2005: 281) tree for Mod Norw ON > Mod Norw.: higher position
Adjective layer Adjectives: N, V, A Top and post-N: more RC, SL and verbalized Middle pre-N: IL and nominalized Languages differ: is IL Nominal? Now we turn to high participial/verbal premodifiers.
II.1 Past participle premodifiers and aspect They have to be RCs because they depend on the argument structure of the noun so the latter has to be an argument. High tree as in Cinque: Actual participle: modified Kratzer (1994)
Relation to aspect Unaccusative/unergative: well-known I add SoraceHierarchy and some historical reasons
Three basic lexical aspects a. unaccusative, causative: telic/Theme (Causer), e.g. drop, break b. unergative, transitive: durative/Agent (Theme), e.g. dance c. copula, experiencer subjects: stative/Theme (Experiencer), e.g. feel
telic – durative - stative telic centers around a Theme • The vase broke – The wind broke the vase unaccusative causative durative centers around an Agent (2) The president danced – She danced the dance unergative transitive stative has a Theme and experiencer (3) I feared it - It appeared evil subject experiencer copula
Acquisition Bloom et al (1980) show that children are conscious of aspectual verb classes very early on. Thus, –ed morphemes go with non-durative events, -ing with durative non-completive activities, and infinitives with stative verbs. Various researchers agree on this, e.g. Broman Olsen & Weinberg (1999) likewise show that a telic verb correlates with the presence of –ed and that –ing is frequent with dynamic and durative verbs.
Eve (Brown 1973) at 1;6 unaccusativeunergativetransitive other block broke (fish are) swimming Eve pencil that radio (Neil) sit wait, play, cook I did it down, busy, gone lookEve/you find it Mommy down, open Eve writing see ya come down, stand dance doll eat celery sit down, fall down Mommy step read the puzzle (finger) stuck Mommy swing? change her lie down stool man (no) taste it get her/it fix (it)/ Mommy fix bring it want Mommy letter write a paper man/papa have it (you) find it play (step)
Adam (Brown 1973) has drawing at 2;7 and drawedat 4;3, as expected, but many factors are involved.
Changes in intransitives Very predictable change: unaccusative > causative (e.g. dropian`drop’) unergative > transitive (e.g. cidan `quarrel’) Aspect is stable L1 acquisition: unergative and unaccusative are distinguished early on. Copulas and psych-verbs are more complex
Argument structure as pre-linguistic Argument structure and lexical aspect are at the basis of our propositions and, without it, there is no meaning. It is likely that AS is part of our larger cognitive system and not restricted to the language faculty. Bickerton (1990: 185) suggests that the “universality of thematic structure suggests a deep-rooted ancestry, perhaps one lying outside language altogether.”
If argument/thematic structure predates the emergence of language, an understanding of causation, intentionality, volition - all relevant to determining theta-structure – is part of our larger cognitive system and not restricted to the language faculty. Argument structure is relevant to other parts of our cognitive make-up, e.g. the moral grammar. Gray et al. (2007), for instance, argue that moral judgment depends on mind perception, ascribing agency and experience to other entities. De Waal (e.g. 2006) has shown that chimps and bonobos show empathy, planning, and attribute minds to others.
Now to the premodifiers (1) wilted lettuce, elapsed time, a fallen leaf, an escaped convict, a collapsed tent, burst pipes, rotted wood, sprouted wheat, swollen feet, a rusted car, vanished cultures, and expired passport, a failed bank (2) *a run child, *a coughed patient, *a swum contestant, *a flown pilot, *an exercised athlete, *a cried child, *a sung artist, *a yawned student, *a laughed clown. Known since Bresnan (1982) but refined by Levin & Rapaport-Hovav (1986)
SoraceHierarchy Change of Location come, arrive, fall UNACC Change of State begin, rise, blossom, die Continuation of a pre-existing state remain, last, survive Existence of State exist, please, belong Uncontrolled Process cough, laugh, shine Controlled Process (motion) run, swim, walk, ring, rumble Controlled Process (non-motion) work, play, talk UNERG
Non-core verbs, stative (6) a rested face, rested pride, rested body (COCA) (7) Mr. Ford made it clear that he fully supported a remained commitment toward working for continued relaxation of tensions between the two superpowers (COHA news 1975) Specialized meaning (8) a. hoodlums were hired and carried from one precinct to another, given cards bearing floated names, and sent in to vote as many times as the judge of elections. b. A man came in carrying a floated name, announced himself, and got ready to cast his ballot c. I voted a floated name myself, and I have not to this day seen the address at which .. (all three, Harpers 1931, COHA)
Non-core ctd: (9) is specialized as well (9) a. The 10 W has a women's lasted liner and a lower cuff height (COCA, magazine 2003) b. you have this type of foot and need this type of lasted shoe. (COCA, magazine 2002) (10) a. leaving the survived residents with no information on which to rely (COCA, acad 2003) b. when a cabinet ended due to a scheduled election, I put it in the survived cabinet group (COCA, acad 2013)
These verbs will give us insight Levin & Rapaport (1986: 654): “[d]istinguishing between the [theta]-roles of the arguments of sleep and rest posses a problem” ; “it is clear that rest is an unaccusative verb whereas sleep is an unergative verb”. Rest: change of state verb. Origin: OE restanmeans `rest; sleep; die’ but a loan from Anglo-Norman arrest ends up looking like the same verb. ME rest could mean `to spoil, become rancid’, as in (11) and (12). (11) Takþevenisounþatysrest & do yt in cold water `Take the venison that is spoiled and put it in cold water.’ (MED, 1381 Dc.257 Cook.Recipes (Dc 257)73.58/2) (12) Caro rancida: restflesche. (MED, a1425 Roy.17.C.17 Nominale 662/17)