What We Say What We Mean Who are “We”?

1. What We SayWhat We MeanWho are “We”? Elaine Rich

2. Is This You? The context: A and B are colleagues. A has just given an important presentation on their work. B had to be in another city at a separate meeting. B phones A to find out how things went. B: So how did it go this afternoon? A: Pretty well, I guess. They really liked our work. But you would have done a much better job giving the presentation. I wish you’d been here. B: Don’t be silly. Most of the ideas in that presentation were yours. A: Some were. But you’re a better talker and you’re the one who figured out how all the pieces fit together.

3. This Talk • What we say vs. what we mean • Do we all share a “common” language?

4. Language at its Most Straightforward –Propositional Content • Bill Clinton was the 42nd president of the United States. • Texas is in France. • The Matrix is playing at the Dobie. • Lunch is at noon. • What time is it?

5. When There’s More - Presuppositions • What is Clinton famous for? • Where’s The Matrix playing? • Who is the king of France? • Have you started making it to your morning classes? • I’m going to check out all the five star restaurants in Cleveland on this trip.

6. When There’s More – (Shared?) Presuppositions “I don’t think Alexander’s getting a proper education,” he said to her one evening. “Oh, he’s okay.” “I asked him to figure what change they’d give back when we bought the milk today, and he didn’t have the faintest idea. He didn’t even know he’d have to subtract.” “Well, he’s only in second grade,” Muriel said. “I think he ought to switch to a private school.” “Private schools cost money.” “So? I’ll pay.” She stopped flipping the bacon and looked over at him. “What are you saying?” she said. “Pardon?” What are you saying, Macon? Are you saying you’re committed?” Anne Tyler, The Accidental Tourist, cited in (YJDU, p. 175)

7. Conversational Postulates • Grice’s maxims: • The Maxim of Quantity: • Be as informative as required. • Don’t be more so. • The Maxim of Quality: • Do not say what you believe to be false. • Do not say that for which you lack sufficient evidence. • Maxim of relevance: Be relevant • Maxim of manner: • Avoid obscurity of expression • Avoid ambiguity • Be brief. • Be orderly.

8. Conversational Postulates and Scalar Implicature • A: Have you done the first math assignment yet? • B: I’m going to go buy the book tomorrow.

9. Another Example of Scalar Implicature • A: When did you get home last night? • B: I was in bed by midnight.

10. When There’s More – Conversational Postulates and Inference • A: Joe doesn't seem to have a girl-friend these days. • B: He's been going to Dallas a lot lately.

11. When There’s More – Conversational Postulates and Inference A: Let’s go to the movies tonight. B: I have to study for an exam.

12. When There’s More – Conversational Postulates and Inference Reviewer of new book: It is well-bound and free of typographical errors.

13. When There’s More – Conversational Postulates and Inference A: What do you think of my new dress? B: It’s interesting.

14. When There’s More – Conversational Postulates and Illocutionary Force • Do you know what time it is?

15. When There’s More – Conversational Postulates and Illocutionary Force • Do you know what time it is? • What time is it?

16. When There’s More – Conversational Postulates and Illocutionary Force • Do you know what time it is? • What time is it? • I’m freezing.

17. When There’s More – Conversational Postulates and Illocutionary Force • Do you know what time it is? • What time is it? • I’m freezing. • Get up and go close the window.

18. When There’s More – Conversational Postulates and Illocutionary Force • Do you know what time it is? • What time is it? • I’m freezing. • Get up and go close the window. • Politeness

19. When There’s More – Emotive Force • Come on. Just forget about it. • Hey, you’re the best. • Maybe what we ought to do is …

20. When There’s More – Emotive Force • Come on. Just forget about it. • Hey, you’re the best. • Maybe what we ought to do is … • Do you think maybe we should …

21. When There’s More – Emotive Force • Come on. Just forget about it. • Hey, you’re the best. • Maybe what we ought to do is … • Do you think maybe we should … • What we need to do is …

22. This Talk • What we say vs. what we mean • Propositional Content • What we Mean • Presuppositions • Conversational Postulates • Illocutionary Force • Emotive Force • Do we all share a “common” language?

23. In Some Languages, A Fairly Strong “No” • In Japanese: • Women use the honorific prefix o- more often than men do. • "Please proceed to the honorable second floor to do your money changing." • Women and men have some different vocabulary items: women invariably praise food for being oishii (delicious), men are more likely to say umai http://www.cic.sfu.ca/tqj/GettingRight/womencomedown.html http://www.coolest.com/jpfm.htm

24. In Some Languages, A Fairly Strong “No” • In Japanese: • Women use the honorific prefix o- more often than men do. • "Please proceed to the honorable second floor to do your money changing." • Women and men have some different vocabulary items: women invariably praise food for being oishii (delicious), men are more likely to say umai • Older people are more likely to end sentences with ja. http://www.cic.sfu.ca/tqj/GettingRight/womencomedown.html http://www.coolest.com/jpfm.htm

25. The Language of Men and Women • In many languages, women generally conform more closely to the “standard”, “correct” dialect than men do. • The way people speak reflects their social roles, as well as their goals and priorities.

26. What About English? • Phonetics • Vocabulary • Speaking behavior

27. What About English? • Phonetics • In the county of Norwich, female speakers of all five income levels surveyed were consistently more likely to pronounce the final g in "going" (a characteristic of so-called "correct English") than their male counterparts, who generally perceived "goin'" as rougher and hence more manly. • Vocabulary • Speaking behavior

28. Vocabulary: The One You Probably Expect Men are more likely to admit that they use swear words: In one study, 72% of men and 55% of women admitted that they swear in public.

29. Vocabulary: Color Terms • An experiment with five populations: • I: men aged 20-35. Graduate students or people working in technical areas. • II: men aged 45-60. All technically trained, highly educated professionals. • III: women aged 20-35: • A: technical, corresponding to group I. • B: non-technical but well-educated. • IV: women aged 45-60. Most of them married to the men in Group II. • V: Catholic nuns, most of them over 30. • http://www.cs.utexas.edu/users/ear/Sex-Related_Colour.htm

30. Vocabulary: Color Terms • Four responses: • Basic – one of: red, orange, yellow, green, blue, purple, violet, white, black, brown, grey, pink, tan. • Qualified – a basic word qualified by words such as light or dark or by another basic word, e.g., yellowish green. • Qualified fancy – a basic word qualified by special words, such as sky blue or hunter green. • Fancy – color words not in the basic category, e.g., lavender, magenta, chartreuse.

31. Vocabulary: Color Terms

32. Speaking Behavior: Two Simple Examples • Women produce more back-channel utterances (things like “uh uh”, “I see”, and “yeah” that acknowledge the speaker but do not grab the floor). • Women use more tag questions (e.g., “This will work, won’t it? Or “We need to install more memory, don’t we?”)

33. Speaking Behavior: A More Complex Pattern • The rest of this talk is based primarily on the work of Deborah Tannen, as described in: • You Just Don’t Understand • Talking from 9 to 5 • Caveat: The claims that Tannen makes are statistical and anecdotal. They don’t describe universal truths that apply all the time to all people. • Caveat: The experimental evidence that forms the basis for this work was done almost entirely in the US. Not clear to what extent the conclusions apply to other cultures.

34. Language As Behavior • The core idea: Language is behavior. As such, it is formed by: • How we perceive the world • Men: One Up – One Down • Women: A group of equals • The priorities we attach to our goals • Men : Achieve status (and independence) • Women: form social connection and intimacies

35. Language As Behavior • These differences affect: • When we talk • How we talk • Our misunderstandings

36. When We Talk • Men talk in public. • Women talk in private.

37. When We Talk • Asking questions But some situations are riskier than others. A Hollywood talk-show producer told me that she had been flying with her father in his private airplane when he was running out of gas and uncertain about the precise location of the local landing strip he was heading for. Beginning to panic, the woman said, “Daddy! Why don’t you radio the control tower and ask them where to land?” He answered, “I don’t want them to think I’m lost.” This story had a happy ending, else the woman would not have been alive to tell it to me. • What about at school?

38. How We Talk • Men vie for control; women try to equalize everyone. Laurie Heatherington and her colleagues had student experimenters ask hundreds of incoming college students to predict how they thought their first year at college would go by forecasting the grades they expected to get. In some cases, the predictions were made anonymously: They were put in writing and placed in an envelope. In others, they were made publicly, either orally to the experimenter or by writing on a paper that the experimenter promptly read. The researchers found that women predicted lower grades for themselves than men did – but only when they made their predictions publicly. The predictions the women students made in private did not differ from the men’s just as the grades they actually earned as the year progressed did not differ from the men’s. In other words, their lower predictions evidenced not lack of confidence but reluctance to reveal the level of confidence they felt. The same researchers conducted a second study that captured women’s characteristic balancing act between their own interests and those of the person they are talking to. In half the cases, the experimenters told their own grade-point averages to the students they interviewed, and the grades they claimed to have gotten were comparatively low. Lo and behold, when women students thought they were talking to someone who had gotten low grades, they lowered their predictions of what they expected their own grades to be. Whether or not the experimenter claimed to have gotten low grades did not affect the predictions made by the men students.

39. How We Talk • Interrupting

40. How We Talk • Tooting our own horns • Social conversation – who talks and who listens I was at dinner with faculty members from other departments at my university. To my right was a woman. As the dinner began, we introduced ourselves. After we told each other what departments we were in and what subjects we taught, she asked what my research was about. We talked about my research for a little while. Then I asked her about her research and she told me about it. Finally, we discussed the ways that our research overlapped. Later, as tends to happen at dinners, we branched out to others at the table. I asked a man across the table from me what department he was in and what he did. During the next half hour, I learned a lot about his job, his research, and his background. Shortly before the dinner ended there was a lull, and he asked me what I did. When I said I was a linguist, he became excited and told me about a research project he had conducted that was related to neurolinguistics. He was still telling me about his research when we all got up to leave the table.

41. How We Talk • Tooting our own horns • An experiment with expert/nonexpert pairs Psychologist H. M. Leet-Pellegrini set out to discover whether gender or expertise determined who would behave in what she terms a “dominant” way – for example, by talking more, interrupting, and controlling the topic. She set up pairs of women, pairs of men, and mixed pairs, and asked them to discuss the effects of television violence on children. In some cases, she made one of the partners an expert by providing relevant factual information and time to read and assimilate it before the videotaped discussion. One might expect that the conversationalist who was the expert would talk more, interrupt more, and spend less time supporting the conversational partner who knew less about the subject. But it wasn’t so simple. On average, those who had expertise did talk more, but men experts talked more than women experts. Expertise also had a different effect on women and men with regard to supportive behavior. Leet-Pellegrini expected that the one who did not have expertise would spend more time offering agreement and support to the one who did. This turned out to be true –except in cases where a woman was the expert and her nonexpert partner was man. In this situation, the women experts showed support – saying things like “Yeah” and “That’s right” – far more than the nonexpert men they were talking to. Observers often rated the male nonexpert as more dominant than the female expert. In other words, the women in this experiment not only didn’t weild their expertise as power, but tried to play it down and make up for it through extra assenting behavior. They acted as if their expertise were something to hide. …

42. How We Talk • Tooting our own horns • An experiment with expert/nonexpert pairs - continued Furthermore, when an expert man talked to an uninformed woman, he took a controlling role in structuring the conversation in the beginning and the end. But when an expert man talked to an uninformed man, he dominated in the beginning but not always in the end. In other words, having expertise was enough to keep a man in the controlling position if we talking to a woman, but not if he was talking to a man. Apparently, when a woman surmised that the man she was talking to had more information on the subject than she did, she simply accepted the reactive role. But another man, despite a lack of information, might still give the expert a run for his money and possibly gain the upper hand by the end.

43. How We Talk • Use of personal examples

44. How We Talk • Story-telling styles Each year, students in my classes record ordinary conversations that they happen to take part in, and transcribe a segment where people tell about personal experiences. One year, two students analyzed all the stories transcribed by class members to compare the ones told by women and those told by men. They found differences that fit in with the patterns I have been describing. The fourteen stories that men had told were all about themselves. Of the twelve stories told by women, only six were about themselves; the others were about incidents that happened to other people. The men, but not the women, had told stories in which there were protagonists and antagonists. For the most part, the stories that men told made them look good. For example, two men told about times when they had won a game for their team by their extraordinary performance. Many of the women told stories that made them look foolish. For example, one woman told of not having realized she had broken her nose until a doctor informed her of the fact years later. Another told of having been so angry at losing her hubcap to a pothole that she stopped the car, searched in vain among a pile of hubcaps that had found a similar fate, and, not wanting to leave empty-handed, took a Mercedes hubcap that was of no use to her.

45. How We Talk • Use of indirect expressions

46. How We Talk • Trouble talk HE: I’m really tired. I didn’t sleep well last night. SHE: I didn’t sleep well either. I never do. HE: Why are you trying to belittle me? SHE: I’m not! I’m just trying to show that I understand. Girl: Hey, Max, my baby’s not feeling good. Boy: So sorry. I’m not the person who fixes sick babies. Girl: I wasn’t telling you to fix her, I was just telling you.

47. How We Talk • Who interrupts

48. How We Talk • The role of fighting (arguing) For boys and men, aggression does not preclude friendship. Quite the contrary, it is a good way to start interactiona nd create involvement. A woman told me of her surprise when she was a member of a mixed group of students attending a basketball game at the University of Michigan. Although their tickets had seat assignments, the usual practice among students at this university was for spectators to take any seats they found – first come, first served. Following these unwritten rules, the students took seats in the front row of the balcony. Before long, a group of men from Michigan State University arrived, assuming they were entitled to the seats shown on their tickets. Finding people in their seats, they ordered them out. When the University of Michigan students refused to vacate the seats, a loud argument ensued in which the men of the two groups denounced and threatened each other, and the women sank down in their seats. After a while, the visitors settled for the seats adjoining the disputed ones. Then the men who had just been engaged in an angry verbal fight began a friendly chat about the teams and the schools and the game about to begin. The women were dumbfounded. They would never have engaged in such an argument, but they assumed that if they had it would have made them enemies for life, not friends in the wink of an eye.

49. These Differences Show Up Very Early • Boys give orders; girls use words like “let’s” Psychologist Jacqueline Sachs and her colleagues, studying preschoolers between the ages of two and five, found that girls tended to make proposals for action by saying “Let’s,”, whereas boys often gave each other commands. For example, in playing doctor, the little boys said things like: “Lie down.”, “Get the heart thing.”, “Gimme your arm.”, “Try to give me the medicine.” When girls played doctor, they said things like “Let’s sit down and use it.” Marjorie Harness Goodwin found exactly the same pattern in a completely different group – black children between the ages of six and fourteen, playing on the streets of a Philadelphia neighborhood. The boys, who were (agonistically) making slingshots in preparation for a fight, gave each other orders: “Gimme the pliers!”, “Man, don’t come in here where I am.”, “Give me that, man. After this, after you chop ‘em, give ‘em to me.”, “Get off my steps.” The girls, who were making glass rings out of bottle necks, didn’t issue commands. They made proposals beginning with “Let’s”: “Let’s go around Subs and Suds [a corner bar/restaurant].”, “Let’s ask her, ‘Do you have any bottles?’ “, “Come on. Let’s go find some.”, “Come on. Let’s turn back, y’all, so we can safe keep ‘em.”, “Let’s move these out first.” Other ways the girls proposed activities were with “We gonna” (“We gonna make a whole display of rings”), “We could” (“We could use a sewer”), “Maybe”, and “We gotta”.

50. These Differences Show Up Very Early • Girls give reasons; boys don’t. • Girls get in trouble if they brag or stand out. • “She thinks she’s something.” • In mixed groups, girls often become “invisible” • Different attitudes toward “trouble talk”