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Economic Development and the Development of the Legal Profession in China. Randy Peerenboom Associate Fellow Oxford University Centre for Socio-Legal Studies Director Oxford Foundation for Law, Justice and Society China Rule of Law Programme Professor of Law, La Trobe University Melbourne.
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Economic Development and the Development of the Legal Profession in China Randy Peerenboom Associate Fellow Oxford University Centre for Socio-Legal Studies Director Oxford Foundation for Law, Justice and Society China Rule of Law Programme Professor of Law, La Trobe University Melbourne
Overview • development of legal profession and legal system have closely tracked economic growth patterns in China – modernization thesis without liberal democracy • challenges confronting the legal profession, and in particular the commercial bar • comparison of elite foreign and domestic firms
Development of the legal profession and legal complex • Law schools: 8 in 1976, 62 in 1989, 183 in 1999, 389 in 2003 and 559 in 2005 • Number of law students: 25,000 in 1991 to 450,000 in 2005 • Number of lawyers: 1980s, 3000; today, 130,000 to 150,000 (definition issues)
Quality and professionalism • 1997: only 33% of lawyers had college or graduate degrees • 2004, two-thirds had such degrees, including 11% graduate degrees, 44% LLBs and 12% undergraduate degrees in other subjects • Trend: higher level of legal skills at all levels (countryside, urban, elite, govt, in-house) • More independence: most firms private partnerships; state-owned firms now financially independent
Two way street: economic growth and development of legal system/profession • rule of law and good governance highly correlated with wealth; • institutional development and growth mutually reinforcing • correlation between GDP and the World Bank indicators for rule of law r=.82; government effectiveness r=.77; control of corruption r=.76; voice and accountability (i.e. civil and political rights) r=.62 • China good test case; political, culture factors same: Shanghai’s GDP per capita is RMB 55,000 (roughly $8000), Beijing 37,058; Guangdong 19,70; Gansu 5,970l Guizhou 4,215
Provincial data • strong correlation between provincial GDP per capita and lawyers per capita (.98) • legal education measured by the number of law graduates per capita (.90) • litigation (.92)
General litigation data • The general trend: more litigation, less mediation, arbitration stable but insignificant • number of first-instance economic cases increased from 44,080 in 1983 to 1,519,793 in 1996 • number of first instance civil cases increased from 300,787 in 1978 to 3,519,244 in 1999. • between 1983 and 2001, economic disputes increased an average of 18.3% a year, an increase twice the rate of civil disputes, and four times the rate of criminal cases • since then litigation rates have been relatively stable
Types of commercial disputes • First-instance purchase and sale contract cases increased from 23,482 in 1983 to 422,655 in 1996. • Contracting out of land in rural areas increased from 21,459 in 1983 to 87,503 in 1995. • Money-lending cases increased from 1,264 in 1983 to 558,499 in 1996
Litigation and lawyers • developed countries non-litigation work = 80% of legal work: China litigation work exceeds non-litigation work by 1.8 times • strong correlation between litigation per capita and lawyers per capita. Concentration of lawyers in few places • The rate of litigation in • Beijing, Shanghai and Tianjin per 100,000 people is 1,307, 994, 802 respectively, • compared to between 177 and 230 in poorer provinces such as Hunan, Jiangxi and Tibet. • The number of lawyers per 100,000 people is • 54.3 in Beijing, 32.3 in Shanghai, 17.1 in Tianjin, and 12.2 in Guangzhou, • 6.4 in Hunan, 4.4 in Jiangxi, and 1.3 in Tibet
Legal system and growth • Education and professionalism of judges and lawyers highly correlated with wealth • Enforcement better in wealthy urban areas • Local protectionism • Corruption: better in some areas, some courts • Problems of presidents of courts: political figures; rational to bribe them; responsible for other judges • General satisfaction: • Number of disputes, nature of disputes, willingness to go to court, satisfaction with courts > all better on whole in urban developed areas
Oversupply of lawyers? • 200 - 260,000 people take the national judicial exam • 190,000 pass 2002 • Total number of “lawyers”: 150,000 • 26% of law graduates go to firms or in-house counsel in companies, • 23% took jobs in government agencies • 7% in other non-private agencies • 21% went to graduate school, took jobs in academia, left the country or joined the military. • That still leaves another 23% unable to find work. • Of 214 majors, law ranks 187th in terms of students ability to get jobs
Not oversupply, but low quality (READ CHEAP) demand • China is a lower-middle income country; huge regional differences; many disputes small change • Lawyers don’t want to live in rural areas, and don’t want to work for low fees charged by legal workers (statutory and market requirement) • Actually, legal workers provide more advice than lawyers, handle more cases in many places • Barefoot lawyers: two roles – compete with legal workers; sensitive cases • Criminal law – another story
Show me the money • medium income: RMB 100,000; average 80,000 in 2005 • multiply median income in China by 20 (GDP per capita difference with US), adjusted median income $260,000 • Cf. information technology RMB 35,000, finance 27,000; real estate 19,000 education 16,000, govt 18,000 • BUT, huge gap between elite and non • 22% of lawyers make less than RMB 50,000 • Beijing: 60% of all legal service revenues and 30% of income • Within firms in the same city, also increasing differentiation in salaries. 12 out of over 1,000 firms in Beijing had revenues in excess of RMB 100 million in 2007. • top 20% of Beijing firms = 80% of the total revenue • the bottom third accounts for only 2% (ouch)
Let’s talk elite • Handful of top firms in first tier cities: Beijing, Shanghai, Shenzhen, Guangzhou • Trend toward big firms: M& A • Some firms over 600 lawyers • A few 300 hundred + • Exceptions: Haiwen model; guanxi firms • Expansion into 2nd and 3rd tier cities • Tianjian, Guangzhou, Chongqing, Chengdu, Hangzhou; Xian, Dalian, Haikou, Shenyang • Outposts in major foreign markets: NY, California (LA, Silicon), Tokyo, Paris
Practice at elite PRC firms • Higher entrance requirements • Top law school, foreign bar, LLM or JD, experience, foreign languages • Increasing specialization • Wider coverage: • corporate work, M & A, private equity, securities, banking and financing (compete with for. firms) • but also sports law, insurance, satellite, real estate, deng deng (etc.) • Litigation monopoly • Govt relations/lobbying
Foreign forms: background • 200 foreign firms (more than 50 HK) • Most one office, though some have up to three • Most small: less than 20 lawyers • Chief rep usually foreign national partner. Some will also have other foreign partners or associates. • However, over 80% of lawyers working are PRC nationals who have studied PRC law and have LLMs (master degrees) or other degrees from foreign universities • 70% of lawyers in foreign firms are women
Comparison: PRC and foreign • Domestic firm advantages: • wider range • cheaper • more experience at most levels • local knowledge: language, connections • Disadvantages • do not do cross-border • senior partners: good with bad • management (though changing, as foreign firms do less training because associates jump ship)
Where we headed? • Differentiation • Foreign firms for transnational • Niche markets: eg construction litigation and arbitration • Cooperation with competition • Compete for senior associates • PRC don’t pay enough • Increase pay, need to increase rates – question of trust • Tipping point: • Sophisticated players: already greater reliance on PRC firms (though don’t realize that previous advice that have to rely on particular partner is now out of date) • Battle for Hearts and Mind of foreign in-house counsel: when will “prevailing wisdom” (ie “CYA”) catch up to market?
Lessons: law and economics/development • Much of focus on role of legal profession and liberal democracy/political liberalism • Modernization thesis: • Growth and institutional development (legal profession/system): check • Liberal democracy: no • Peerenboom,“Searching for political liberalism in all the wrong places: the legal profession as the leading edge of political reform in China?,” in B. Garth and Y. Dezalay eds. Lawyers and the Construction of Rule of Law: National and Transnational Processes (forthcoming 2009) • EAM: 2- track; Not democracy, not liberal
Not convergence, then viva la difference! • Lawyers as self-interested actors/screen clients/obstacle to justice • Lawyers as guanxihu = no rol, rationalization • Lawyers as politically activists, repressed by nasty authoritarian state: Fu Hualing; Fu and Cullens • Lawyers as sympathetic poor
No surprises • Legal profession develop. tracks econ develop. • Legal profession on whole positive force for rol (not always) • Elite commercial lawyers not force for political change • Lawyers economic actors: go into law because make big RMB • Screen cases, go where money is • Very elitist, great stratification • Protectionist
La difference • Legal profession young • Partners less than 45 (I used to say under 40) • Management issues • Ethical issues • China poor – most people can’t/won’t pay for legal services > lawyers engage in “sharp” practices • Not liberal democracy, Asia • Future: more likely Singapore than Japan, SK, Taiwan, but definitely more likely Japan/Korea/Taiwan than Myanmar, North Korea (or India, Philippines, Nepal, Cambodia, Bangladesh)