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Non-monotonic Negativity

PACLIC 17 10/03/2003 Singapore. Non-monotonic Negativity. Sumiyo Nishiguchi Osaka University UCLA. New Description of NPI Licensers. Non-Upward Entailingness Downward entailing + Non-monotonic contra Ladusaw 1979,1980 expansion from Progovac 1992,1994 Non-monotonic licensers

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Non-monotonic Negativity

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  1. PACLIC 17 10/03/2003 Singapore Non-monotonic Negativity Sumiyo Nishiguchi Osaka University UCLA

  2. New Description of NPI Licensers • Non-Upward Entailingness • Downward entailing + Non-monotonic • contra Ladusaw 1979,1980 • expansion from Progovac 1992,1994 • Non-monotonic licensers • Exclusivity condition • license weak NPIs (any, ever)

  3. Anti UEness Ladusaw’s DE theory Non-monotonic UE DE Non-UE License weak NPIs

  4. Negative Polarity Items (NPIs) • any, anything, anymore, ever, at all, whatsoever,budge an inch,care toVP, botherV-ing. (1)a. I didn’t realize that he admired her at all. b. *He admired her at all. • (Klima 1964:282) (2)a. Noneof the rivals said anything whatsoever. b.　*Someof the rivals said anything whatsoever. (Hoeksema 1986a:35)

  5. Varieties of NPI licensers • (3) At most: • a. At most three women have ever loved him. • b. ?At least three women have everloved him. • (4) Every: • a. Everystudent who had everread anything about phrenology attended the lecture. • b. *Somestudent who had ever read anything about phrenology attended the lecture. • (Ladusaw 1980:3) • (5) Only: a. OnlyBill had ever read anythingabout phrenology. b. *Even Bill had ever read anything about phrenology.

  6. Attempts to capture the common feature of NPI licensers • Ladusaw (1979,1980) • Linebarger (1980) • Zwarts (1993) • van der Wouden (1997) • Giannakidou (1998) • Progovac (1988,1992,1994) • von Fintel (1999) • Yoshimura (1992) Counterexamples

  7. Ladusaw’s DE Theory(Ladusaw 1979, 1980) • “A negative-polarity item is acceptable only if it is interpreted in the scope of a downward-entailing expression.” (Ladusaw 1980:13) • Every: ↓MON ✓TRIGGER (7) a. Every student who had everread anything on phrenology attended the lecture. b. *Every student who attended the lecture had ever read anything about phrenology. c. Every man walks. → Every father walks. d. Every man walks. −/→ Every man walks slowly. (ibid.:6) man father

  8. Problems with DE theoryLinebarger 1980; Hoeksema 1986; Nishiguchi 2002 Only: ⇞⇟ MON ⇞⇟✓ TRIGGER ✓ (8)a. Only people who know a language will be admitted to the lecture. →?? Onlypeople who know a Romance language will be admitted to the lecture. b. Only people who have ever been to Paris will be admitted to the lecture. Superlatives: ⇞⇟ MON ⇞⇟✓TRIGGER ✓ (9)a. John is the greatest man who ever lived. ←/→ • b. John is the greatest man whoever lived in Japan. Ordinal numerals: ⇞⇟MON✓ TRIGGER (Nishiguchi 2002) • (10)a.John is the second European who has everseen that sacred statue. ←/→ • b. John is the second European who has everseen that sacred female statue.

  9. Problems with Linebarger (1980, 1987) • Two-fold condition • Immediate scope contraint • Negative implicatum (NI) Counterexamples: glad,happy lack NI, but trigger NPIs. • (14) A: But these tickets are terrible! • B: Be glad we got ANYtickets! • (Kadmon and Landman 1993:384) • (15) I am happyyou passed the entrance exam. • --/-- > I had expected that you would not pass the entranceexam.

  10. NonveridicalityZwarts (1995) Giannakidou (1998,1999,2001) Licensing condition for affective polarity items ⅰ. An affective polarity item a will be licensed in a sentence S iff S provides some expressions g which is nonveridical, and a is in the scope of g. ⅱ. In certain cases, a may be licensed indirectly in S iff S gives rise to a negative implicature f, and a is in the scope ofnegation in f.(Giannakidou 1998:149)

  11. Counterexamples to nonveridicality • Glad, happy: • neither nonveridical nor accommodating negative implicature. (22)I was glad that John had llamas in his apartment. → John had llamas in his apartment. • (veridical) (23) I was glad that John had llamas in his apartment. --/--> I had expected that John would not have llamas in hisapartment.

  12. A Hierarchy of Negative Expressions (Zwarts 1993; van der Wouden 1997) Non-monotonic superstrong weak strong • monotone decreasing: few, seldom, hardly • f(X)f(Y) f(XY) f(XY) f(X)f(Y) • anti-additive: nobody, never, nothing f(X)f(Y) f(XY) f(XY) f(X)f(Y) • f(X)f(Y)  f(XY) • antimorphic not, not the teacher, not Judas f(XY)  f(X)f(Y) • f(X)f(Y)  f(XY) • f(XY) f(X)f(Y) • f(X)f(Y)  f(XY) • (van der Wouden 1997:106) .

  13. Strawson DE (von Fintel 1999) • A Binding Approach (Progovac 1988, 1992, 1994) • Cognitive Structure of Negation (Yoshimura 1992, 1996)

  14. Anti-UE Non-UE contexts can license NPIs. Expansion on Progovac (1992) on questions • (42) A function f of type <s, t> is the NPI licenser iff for all x, y of type s such that x → y, f(x)−/→ f(y)

  15. Anti UEness Ladusaw’s DE theory Non-monotonic UE DE Non-UE

  16. Non-monotonic determinersOrdinal numerals • Ordinal numerals: ⇞⇟ MON ✓TRIGGER (Nishiguchi 2002) • a. John is thesecondEuropean who hasever seen that sacred statue. ←/→ • John is the second European who has ever seen that sacred female statue. b. Fred was thefirstto ever swim across the Adriatic. (Hoeksema 2000:116) C. It was the firsttime she had ever seen fear in Connor O'Dell's eyes. • (British National Corpus FPM369 )

  17. determinerthe generic NP • (49) The: ⇞⇟MON,✓TRIGGER • a. The man who has everlearned any language was admitted to the lectures. ←/→ • The man who has everlearned a Romance language was admitted to the lectures. • (50) Generic NP: ⇞⇟ MON, ✓TRIGGER • a. Dogs have four legs. −/→ • Dogs that have been in accidents involving chain saws have four legs. • (Heim 1984:103) b. Studentswho have everread anything about phrenology attended the lecture.

  18. exactly n, the n- Non-monotonic determiners (43) Exactly n: ⇞⇟MON ⇞⇟✓TRIGGER ✓(Ladusaw 1980) • a. Exactly five people who had ever learned anythingabout phrenology attended the lectures. • c. Exactly ten people played sports. ←/→ • Exactly ten women played sports. (44) The n: ⇞⇟MON✓TRIGGER • a. The five men walk. ←/→ The five young men walk. • b. The four people who dared to have a bitewere poisoned.

  19. (precisely) n, nearly all-Non-monotonic determiners • (45) (Precisely) n : ⇞⇟MON⇞⇟✓ TRIGGER ✓ • a. Seven men walk. ←/→Seven young men walk. • b. Seven men walk. ←/→Seven men walk slowly. • c. Five people who daredto have a bitewere poisoned. • (46) Nearly all: ⇞⇟MON ✓ TRIGGER • a. Nearly all men walk. ←/→Nearly all young men walk. • b. Nearly allmen who have ever learned anything about phrenology were admitted to the lectures. • c. Nearly all people who dared to have a bitewere poisoned.

  20. few -Non-monotonic determiner (47) Few2: ⇞⇟ MON ✓TRIGGER • a. Fewmen walk down the street. ←/→ • Few young men walk down the street. • b. Few men who have ever learned anythingabout phrenology were admitted to the lectures. • c. Few men who dared to have a bitewere poisoned.

  21. Non-monotonic expressions • If-clause • If and only if-clause • be happy • be glad

  22. IfIf and only if (51) If-clause: (Linebarger 1980) • a. If you ever come to Japan you will have fun. −/→ • b. If you evercome to Japan and become sick, you will have fun. (52) If and only if – clause: • a. The ER series will end if and only ifJohn Carter is ever assassinated. ←/→ • b. The ER series will end if and only ifany of the staff is ever assassinated.

  23. glad, happy • (53) Glad: a. John is gladhe will teach, but John is not glad he will teach on Tuesdays. He prefers Wednesdays. b. I’m gladANYBODY likes me! • (Kadmon and Landman 1993:384) • (54) Happy: (Lee 1999) • a. I am happythat there is anyfood left. • b. I am happyhe bought a car. ←/→ • I am happyhe bought a Honda.

  24. hope • (55)a. These razor blades are going like hotcakes. I hope there’s anyleft. • (Horn 2001:184) b. Nicholas hopes to get a free trip on the Concorde. So Nicholas hopes to get a trip on the Concorde. • (Asher 1987:171)

  25. Non-monotonic licensers: • NM determiners • ⇞⇟MON ⇞⇟✓TRIGGER✓: only, exactly n, (precisely) n, superlatives • ⇞⇟ MON ✓TRIGGER : • the, the n, ordinal numerals, Generic NPs, nearly • all, few2 • NM non-determiners • if, if and only if, happy, glad, hope

  26. Exclusivity: Common feature of NM determiners • (57) a is a non-monotonic licenser of type <et, <et,t>> iff [[a]] =lf D<e,t> . [lg  D<e,t> . for all xDesuch that g(x)=1, f(x)=1] (58) [[the]] = lf  D<e,t> . [lg  D<e,t> . for all x De such that g(x)=1, f(x) = 1]

  27. the n • (58) [[the three]] =lf  D<e,t> . • [lg  D<e,t> . there are some x1, x2, and x3, such that f(x1)= 1, f(x2)=1, f(x3)=1, g(x1)= 1, g(x2)=1, and g(x3)=1, and for all y such that f(y) = 1, y≠x1, y≠x2, and y≠x3, g(y) = 0] • (59) The three men walk. ←/→ The three men walk slowly.

  28. No other than x is g(y): common assertion • (63) Only Muriel voted for Hubert. ----> • No one other than Muriel voted for Hubert. • (Horn 1969:98-99) • (65) Exactly five children were injured. ----> • No other children than the exactly five were injured. • (66) Joan is the most beautiful woman I have ever met. ----> • No one other than Joan is the most beautiful woman. • (67) Franklin was the second man who came in. ----> • No one other than Franklin was the second man who came in. • (68)Few students came in. ----> • No one other than few students came in.

  29. Exclusivity: non-determiners • (68) I will go if and only if it does not rain. • ----> • I will not go if it rains. • (69) I hope to get a new car. • ----> • I do not hope to get anything else, like an old car.

  30. Generalization (70) Non-monotonic contexts which meet exclusivity condition can license weak NPIs.

  31. Strengthening effect: Motivation behind NPI licensing in NM contexts • (72) a. Taro is the onlyJapanesewho has ever been to Shostka. b. Taro is theonlyJapanese who has been to Shostka. • (73) a. Menwith anysense avoid installment plans. • b. Men with sense avoid installment plans. Wideners any and ever create stronger statements, excluding any possibilities (Kadmon and Landman 1993).

  32. SUMMARY • New description of NPI licensers • Non UE • Exclusivity • Non-monotonic scope triggersweak NPIs • Strengthening effects motivate licensing NPIs in non-monotonic contexts

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