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Constructing transnational social spaces during times of economic crisis: Latin American migrants in Europe

Cathy McIlwaine Queen Mary, University of London. Constructing transnational social spaces during times of economic crisis: Latin American migrants in Europe. Labour market vulnerability, precarious work and migrant workers in the economic downturn PEDEC, 16th November 2011 . Structure.

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Constructing transnational social spaces during times of economic crisis: Latin American migrants in Europe

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  1. Cathy McIlwaine Queen Mary, University of London Constructing transnational social spaces during times of economic crisis: Latin American migrants in Europe Labour market vulnerability, precarious work and migrant workers in the economic downturn PEDEC, 16th November 2011

  2. Structure • Impacts of global economic crisis on migrants • Changes in migration flows: creation of complex transnational social spaces • Changes in labour market experiences • Changes in global financial flows from Global North to South • Dealing with global economic crisis • Transnational migration, social and economic resilience strategies, consumption minimising and expenditure maximising

  3. Constructing transnational social spaces during economic recession • Transnational social fields: ‘a set of multiple interlocking networks of social relationships through which ideas, practices, and resources are unequally exchanged, organized, and transformed’ and which connect across rather than within national borders (Levitt and Glick-Schiller, 2004, p.1009) • Capitals are accumulated, converted and exchanged over transnational spaces and tangible and intangible ties created and maintained • Transnational social spaces become much more complex during economic crisis

  4. Methodological framework Project 1: 2006-2008 In-depth interviews with 28 Colombians, 22 Ecuadorians and 20 Bolivians; 3 focus groups with 17 migrants Project 2: 2009-2010 Questionnaire survey of 1014 Latin Americans (453 focus here) + 50 in-depth interviews

  5. A) Impacts of global economic crisis 1) Changes in migration flows • Increased migration flows to UK from Global South • Two-thirds of survey population arrived since 2000 - one-third since 2005 and 25% since 2008 downturn

  6. Much migration prompted by economic crisis in homeland: ‘I came here because of the economic crisis in my country … it’s still better here now although this country takes away with one hand and gives with another, but here I can make plans’ (Delmar, 32, Ecuadorian) 40% of migrants move for economic reasons

  7. Linked with: • favourable migration regime in Spain • booming economy • economic collapse ‘The main reason that I migrated from Spain to London was because of the global economic crisis ... I’m going to stay in London until the crisis passes but for 2 years maximum’ (Francisco, 44, Ecuadorian) • Intra-European migration prompted by economic crisis • 36.5% migrated from intermediate country before UK • Spain - most common country identified (38%)

  8. Migrants negotiate complex and hostile immigration regimes from below within Europe • Entry to UK – legal and illegal • 38 year-old Juana from Ecuador initially left to escape an abusive relationship with partner. At first leaving her son behind with her mother, she went to Spain, entering on a tourist visa. When she couldn’t find work in Madrid, she contacted another friend who lived in London who lent her $1000 to buy false Spanish passport. Immediately after arriving in 1999 she started work as an office cleaner. After a year, her son joined her in London after also migrating first to Spain and then to the UK using false Spanish passport

  9. 2) Changes in labour market experiences Job losses in Europe and in UK across socio-economic spectrum ‘I had a good job, window-cleaning in an office building, full-time. But the company moved to Essex to save money because of the recession. We were left without jobs’ (Caetano, 26, Bolivian) ‘Because of the crisis ... construction was affected and so were architecture companies ... the large projects stopped and so they began to let staff go’ (Danilo, 32, Colombian architect – got job as waiter) ... ‘to have a salary as an architect there [in Colombia] that is really low or to have a salary the same or better as a waiter here, I prefer to be here’

  10. Reduction in hours of work • ‘My hours have been reduced, we no longer get food in the cafe, they are trying to serve less food to save money’ (Dario, 26, Bolivian chef) • ’My hours have been reduced from full-time to 4 hours per day (Alberto, 40, Ecuadorian office cleaner) • Reduction in earnings for small business-owners • To be honest, the crisis has affected me badly and my sales have gone right down. It’s not what I had hoped for’(Agustin, 57, Ecuadorian small shop owner)

  11. ‘Now they ask more in work. Before, for example, you would work 3 hours and they paid well; now you only work 2 hours and they pay you the same. The work has increased and the salaries stay the same ... they ask more. The work is harder, getting papers is also harder’ (Carlos, 26, Bolivian office cleaner) Increased workplace exploitation 40% of working Latin Americans reported problems in workplace (especially irregulars)

  12. 3) Changes in global financial flows from Global North to South Remittances flows have reduced ‘Now it isn’t like before. Before I sent a lot of money, but in the last 3 months, I have reduced it and I’ve sent less. Before I sent 60% of my salary, now I send 40%’ (Mario, 32, Bolivian) ‘I would like to save more at the moment because of the crisis and to invest in Colombia. But the crisis means I can’t. The exchange rate is so low that I can’t send money at the moment’ (Yaneth, 38, Colombian)

  13. B) Dealing with global economic crisis • Transnational migration > homeland to Europe • Social resilience practices • Transnational contact maintained > 97% keep in touch with homeland > a quarter make daily contact, a fifth once every 2-3 days and one-third weekly • Transnational families created > mainly transnational fathers Ricardo from Ecuador had moved from Spain to London in 2009 after losing his job. He left his wife and 2 young children behind because he had a mortgage on his house in Valencia and his children were in school

  14. Local social networks mobilised • One-third have used services of migrant community organisations • 90% identify with some form of religion - mainly Roman Catholic (63%) • 70% attended church services > 35.5% attend every week • Two-thirds attend summer carnivals • 85% use Latin American services and shopping areas - Elephant and Castle and Seven Sisters markets

  15. Economic resilience practices • Transnational reverse remittances Cesario from Colombia lived in London since 2008 after living in Spain for 10 years. After losing his cleaning job, his wife in Colombia sent him a monthly allowance from their savings (previously he had sent £3000 pa) • Local consumption minimising and expenditure maximising strategies ‘You have to tighten your belt, to eat less, that’s the strategy and to work more’ (Alberto, Ecuador) • Local money borrowing > 40% for everyday expenditures > 63% from formal sources

  16. Conclusions Need to acknowledge spatial dimensions of impacts of economic crisis among migrants – transnational and local levels Economic crisis > increased complexity of transnational social spaces Economic crisis > intensified exploitive local and transnational relations > labour markets and immigration regimes Intensification of economic and social resilience strategies locally and transnationally

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