1 / 62

DIMENSIONS OF SOCIAL COHESION Wout Ultee

DIMENSIONS OF SOCIAL COHESION Wout Ultee RADBOUD UNIVERSITY NIJMEGEN, THE NETHERLANDS EQUALSOC SUMMER SCHOOL TRENTO, ITALY 04/09/06 – 09/09/06. DIMENSIONS OF SOCIAL STRATIFICATION IS A LONGSTANDING TOPIC DIMENSIONS OF SOCIAL COHESION IS A NICE INVENTION

hhernandez
Download Presentation

DIMENSIONS OF SOCIAL COHESION Wout Ultee

An Image/Link below is provided (as is) to download presentation Download Policy: Content on the Website is provided to you AS IS for your information and personal use and may not be sold / licensed / shared on other websites without getting consent from its author. Content is provided to you AS IS for your information and personal use only. Download presentation by click this link. While downloading, if for some reason you are not able to download a presentation, the publisher may have deleted the file from their server. During download, if you can't get a presentation, the file might be deleted by the publisher.

E N D

Presentation Transcript


  1. DIMENSIONS OF SOCIAL COHESION Wout Ultee RADBOUD UNIVERSITY NIJMEGEN, THE NETHERLANDS EQUALSOC SUMMER SCHOOL TRENTO, ITALY 04/09/06 – 09/09/06

  2. DIMENSIONS OF SOCIAL STRATIFICATION IS A LONGSTANDING TOPIC DIMENSIONS OF SOCIAL COHESION IS A NICE INVENTION EARLY REQUEST: THE DEFINITION AND CONCEPTUALIZATION OF SOCIAL COHESION

  3. I DO NOT LIKE CONCEPTS AT ALL, PROPOSITIONS ARE THE IMPORTANT THING MAKING DEFINITIONS IS A WASTE OF TIME, PROGRESS IS MADE BY STRETCHING DEFINITIONS INTO NEW QUESTIONS OF COURSE, CLASSES, STATUS GROUPS AND POLITICAL PARTIES ARE PHENOMENA OF THE DISTRIBUTION OF POWER WITHIN A SOCIETY (Weber 1921), BUT THE IMPORTANT THING IS THAT POWER MAKES FOR PRIVILEGE (Lenski 1966)

  4. ONCE MORE ABOUT CONCEPTS: SURE, THERE ARE NO PROPOSITIONS WITHOUT CONCEPTS BUT CHARACTERISTIC FOR THEORETICAL SOCIOLOGY UNTIL NOW ARE SYSTEMS OF CONCEPTS WITHOUT PROPOSITIONS THE BEST, OR RATHER WORST, EXAMPLE OF THIS ARE PARSONS’ CONCEPTUAL SCHEMES WHAT GOOD CONCEPTS DO, IS MAKE LONG PROPOSITIONS SHORTER (SEE LATER, DURKHEIM ON ANOMIE)

  5. THE TERM COHESION IN THE NETHERLANDAS DID NOT COME FROM POLITICS TO SOCIOLOGY SOCIOLOGISTS INTRODUCED IT INTO THE POLITICAL DEBATE IN THE 1980S I WAS ONE OF THEM I NEEDED THE TERM TO DESCRIBE WHAT WAS HAPPENING TO THE SOCIAL FABRIC IN TIMES OF VERY HIGH UNEMPLOYMENT IN THE NETHERLANDS THE UNEMPLOYED DID NOT REBEL, BUT THEY BECAME ISOLATED FROM THE EMPLOYED AND BEGAN TO REJECT CORE SOCIETAL VALUES

  6. SOCIOLOGISTS STUDY SOCIETIES COHESION, LIKE INEQUALITY, IS A CHARACTERISTIC OF SOCIETIES SOCIOLOGISTS SEEK TO EXPLAIN COHESION IS A DISPOSITIONAL CONCEPT (LIKE ‘GLASS IS BREAKABLE’) THAT IS WHY THE COHESION OF A SOCIETY MAY BE DIFFICULT TO STUDY IT IS A PHENOMENON WHICH COMES OUT UNDER INFREQUENT CIRCUMSTANCES THAT IS WHY I STUDIED THE FATE OF DUTCH JEWS WHEN GERMANY OCCUPIED THE NETHERLANDS: DUTCH COHESION WAS ON TRIAL

  7. LECTURES ABOUT CONCEPTUALIZATION MIX UP QUESTIONS AND PROPOSITIONS THE PROGRAMME FOR THIS MORNING: THE STRUCTURE OF QUESTIONS ABOUT SOCIETAL COHESION AND A GENERAL THEORY EXPLAINING VARIOUS PHENOMENA INDICATIVE OF A SOCIETY’S DEGREE OF COHESION

  8. THE STRUCTURE OF QUESTIONS ABOUT THE INEQUALITIES BETWEEN THE INHABITANTS OF A SOCIETY: WHO GETS WHAT AND WHY? OR: HOW MUCH INEQUALITY BETWEEN WHO AND WHO IN WHAT RESPECT?

  9. WHAT DOES THE STRUCTURE OF QUESTIONS OF THIS SOCIOLOGIST LOOK LIKE?

  10. THAT IS HOW THAT SOCIOLOGIST LOOKED WHEN HE WAS RECUPERATING FROM A NERVOUS BREAKDOWN IN ITALY AND HIS WIFE HAD TO PUT UP WITH HIM

  11. THE EMERGENCE OF THE PROBLEM OF COHESION

  12. THE EMERGENCE OF THE PROBLEM OF COHESION WHY DO PEOPLE LIVE TOGETHER PEACEFULLY?

  13. THE EMERGENCE OF THE PROBLEM OF COHESION WHY DO PEOPLE LIVE TOGETHER PEACEFULLY, WHY IS NOT THERE A WAR OF ALL AGAINST ALL?

  14. THE EMERGENCE OF THE PROBLEM OF COHESION WHY DO PEOPLE LIVE TOGETHER PEACEFULLY, WHY IS NOT THERE A WAR OF ALL AGAINST ALL?

  15. THE EMERGENCE OF THE PROBLEM OF COHESION WHY DO PEOPLE LIVE TOGETHER PEACEFULLY, WHY IS NOT THERE A WAR OF ALL AGAINST ALL? WHY DO PEOPLE LIVE TOGETHER PEACEFULLY?

  16. THE EMERGENCE OF THE PROBLEM OF COHESION WHY DO PEOPLE LIVE TOGETHER PEACEFULLY, WHY IS NOT THERE A WAR OF ALL AGAINST ALL? WHY DO PEOPLE LIVE TOGETHER PEACEFULLY, WHY IS SOCIETY NOT LIKE A HEAP OF SAND?

  17. THE YOUNG DURKHEIM HOLDING HIS MOTHER’S HAND

  18. WHY DO PEOPLE LIVE TOGETHER PEACEFULLY, WHY IS SOCIETY NOT LIKE A HEAP OF SAND? WHAT KINDS OF TIES ARE THERE BETWEEN THE MEMBERS OF A SOCIETY, AND HOW STRONG ARE THESE TIES?

  19. DURKHEIM, HIS DAUGHTER MARIE, HIS SON ANDRÉ, HIS WIFE IN BORDEAUX AROUND 1905

  20. DURKHEIM’S INTEGRATION HYPOTHESIS: THE STRONGER THE INTEGRATION OF A PERSON INTO ANY OF A SOCIETY’S INTERMEDIARY GROUPS, THE LESS LIKELY IS THIS PERSON TO COMMIT SUICIDE THIS ONE PROPOSITION EXPLAINS SEVERAL FINDINGS ABOUT SUICIDE

  21. IN PROTESTANT COUNTRIES, THE SUICIDE RATE IS HIGHER THAN IN CATHOLIC COUNTRIES, AND IN THE GERMAN STATES AND SWISS CANTONS PROTESTANTS ARE MORE LIKELY TO COMMIT SUICIDE THAN CATHOLICS

  22. THE STRONGER PERSONS ARE INTEGRATED INTO A RELIGIOUS GROUP, THE LOWER THEIR CHANCES OF SUICIDE CATHOLICS ARE A MORE STRONGLY INTEGRATED GROUP THAN PROTESTANTS _______________________________________________ IN PROTESTANT COUNTRIES, THE SUICIDE RATE IS HIGHER THAN IN CATHOLIC COUNTRIES, AND IN THE GERMAN STATES AND SWISS CANTONS PROTESTANTS ARE MORE LIKELY TO COMMIT SUICIDE THAN CATHOLICS

  23. THE STRONGER PERSONS ARE INTEGRATED INTO A RELIGIOUS GROUP, THE LOWER THEIR CHANCES OF SUICIDE THE HIGHER THE PERCENT OF CATHOLICS IN A MUNICIPALITY, THE MORE STRONGLY INTEGRATED THE CATHOLICS AS A GROUP ARE _______________________________________________ IN THE NETHERLANDS THE SUICIDE RATE FOR CATHOLICS IS LOWER IN MUNICIPALITIES WITH A HIGHER PERCENT OF CATHOLICS VAN TUBERGEN, TE GROTENHUIS AND ULTEE, AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY 2005

  24. IN ALL EUROPEAN COUNTRIES, ALSO AFTER CONTROLLING FOR AGE, THE SUICIDE RATE IS HIGHER FOR SINGLE PERSONS THAN FOR MARRIED PERSONS

  25. THE STRONGER PERSONS ARE INTEGRATED INTO A FAMILY GROUP, THE LOWER THEIR CHANCES OF SUICIDE MARRIED PERSONS ARE MORE STRONGLY INTEGATED INTO FAMILY GROUPS THAN SINGLE PERSONS _______________________________________________ IN ALL EUROPEAN COUNTRIES, ALSO AFTER CONTROLLING FOR AGE, THE SUICIDE RATE IS HIGHER FOR SINGLE PERSONS THAN FOR MARRIED PERSONS

  26. THE STRONGER PERSONS ARE INTEGRATED INTO A FAMILY GROUP, THE LOWER THEIR CHANCES OF SUICIDE MARRIED WOMEN WITH MORE CHILDREN ARE ARE MORE STRONGLY INTEGATED INTO FAMILY GROUPS MARIED WOMEN WITH LESS CHILDREN _______________________________________________ IN NORWAY FOR MARRIED WOMEN BELOW THE AGE OF 40 IN 1970, WITH EVERY ADDITIONAL CHILD, THE LATER SUICIDE RATE WAS LOWER HOYER AND LUND, ARCHIVES OF GENERAL PSYCHIATRY 1993

  27. THAT WAS DURKHEIM’S THEORY OF EGOISTIC OR INDIVIDUALISTIC SUICIDE NOW HIS THEORY OF ALTRUISTIC SUICIDE

  28. THE MORE STRONGLY PERSONS ARE INTEGRATED INTO ANY GROUP WHATSOEVER, THE LESS LIKELY THEY COMMIT SUICIDE

  29. THE MORE STRONGLY PERSONS ARE INTEGRATED INTO ANY GROUP WHATSOEVER, THE MORE LIKELY THEY ARE TO LIVE UP TO ITS NORM FORBIDDING SUICIDE THE MORE STRONGLY PERSONS ARE INTEGRATED INTO ANY GROUP WHATSOEVER, THE LESS LIKELY THEY COMMIT SUICIDE

  30. THE MORE STRONGLY PERSONS ARE INTEGRATED INTO ANY GROUP WHATSOEVER, THE MORE LIKELY THEY ARE TO LIVE UP TO THIS GROUP’S NORM ABOUT SUICIDE MOST GROUPS FORBID SUICIDE, BUT IN THE ARMY SUICIDE IS ACCEPTED UNDER CERTAIN CONDITIONS _______________________________________________ THE MORE STRONGLY PERSONS ARE INTEGRATED INTO ANY GROUP WHATSOEVER, THE MORE LIKELY THEY ARE TO LIVE UP TO ITS NORM FORBIDDING SUICIDE

  31. THE MORE STRONGLY PERSONS ARE INTEGRATED INTO ANY GROUP WHATSOEVER, THE MORE LIKELY THEY ARE TO LIVE UP TO THIS GROUP’S NORM ABOUT SUICIDE MOST GROUPS FORBID SUICIDE, BUT IN THE ARMY SUICIDE IS ACCEPTED UNDER CERTAIN CONDITIONS _______________________________________________ IN THE AUSTRIAN ARMY OFFICERS ARE MORE LIKELY TO COMMIT SUICIDE THAN PETTY OFFICERS, AND THE LATTER MORE LIKELY THAN ENLISTED SOLDIERS

  32. HOW ABOUT DURKHEIM’S CONCEPT OF ANOMIE? OR RATHER HOW IS HIS THEORY OF ANOMIC SUICIDE RELATED TO HIS PROPOSITIONS OF INDIVIDUALISTIC AND ALTRUISITIC SUICIDE? FOR DURKHEIM A FREE MARKET SOCIETY IS A SOCIETY WITHOUT NORMS THAT ATTUNE THE MATERIAL GOALS OF PERSONS TO THE MEANS AVAILABLE TO THEM

  33. IN A SOCIETY WITHOUT NORMS ADJUSTING THE GOALS OF PERSONS TO THEIR MEANS, THE PERSONS WHOSE GOALS SURPASS MOST THEIR MEANNS ARE MOST LIKELY TO COMMIT SUICIDE IN FRANCE DURING THE 19TH CENTURY, FREE MARKETS (ECONOMIC DEREGULATION) MORE AND MORE PENETRATED ECONOMIC LIFE, MAKING GOALS SURPASS MEANS __________________________________________ IN FRANCE DURING THE 19TH CENTURY THE SUICIDE RATE ROSE

  34. NOTE THAT THE TERM ANOMIE IS INTRODUCED TO MAKE A LONG SENTENCE SHORTER: A SOCIETY WITHOUT NORMS ADJUSTING THE GOALS OF PERSONS TO THEIR MEANS IS CALLED ANOMIC

  35. DURKHEIM IS DEAD, BUT IS DURKHEIM’S THEORY DEAD?

  36. NOW WE MOVE FROM SUICIDE AS AN INDICATION OF LIMITED SOCIETAL COHESION, TO PETTY CRIMES BY JUVENILES AS AN INDICATION OF LIMITED SOCIETAL COHESION. IT IS EASY TO OBTAIN A THEORY EXPLAINING THAT PHENOMENON. JUST GENERALIZE DURKHEIM’S MOST GENERAL PROPOSITION.

  37. THE MORE STRONGLY A PERSON IS INTEGRATED INTO ANY WHATSOEVER OF A SOCIETY’S GROUPS, THE MORE LIKELY IS THAT PERSON TO LIVE UP TO EVERY OF THAT GROUP’S NORMS AND SOME OF THESE NORMS FORBID SHOPLIFTING AND DESTROYING THE GLASS AT BUS STOPS

  38. WE HAVE ARRIVED AT HIRSCHI’S ATTACHMENT THEORY OR SOCIAL CONTROL THEORY HIRSCHI, CAUSES OF DELINQUENCY, 1969 SORRY, NO PICTURE HIRSCHI DOES NOT REFER TO DURKHEIM HIRSCHI IS A PUPIL OF LAZARSFELD THREE INTERMEDIARY GROUPS A STUDENT’S PARENTS A STUDENT’S TEACHERS A STUDENT’S FRIENDS

  39. FINDINGS: THE MORE STUDENTS DISCUSS THEIR DAILY LIFE WITH THEIR PARENTS, THEY LESS LIKELY THEY HAVE COMMITTED PETTY CRIMES THE BETTER STUDENTS LIKE THEIR TEACHERS, THET LESS LIKELY THEY HAVE COMMITTED PETTY CRIMES HIRSCHI PREDICTED BUT DID NOT FIND: THE MORE STUDENTS HANG OUT WITH THEIR FRIENDS, THE LESS LIKELY THEY HAVE COMMITTED PETTY CRIMES

  40. WAS HIRSCHI’S SOCIAL CONTROL THEORY REFUTED? NO, THERE WAS A MISTAKE IN HIS ADDITIONAL ASSUMPTIONS. THE FRIENDS STUDENTS HANG OUT WITH, OFTEN ARE ‘GOOD’ FRIENDS, BUT SOMETIMES THEY ARE ‘BAD’ FRIENDS THE MORE STUDENTS HANG OUT WITH ‘BAD’ FRIENDS, THEY MORE LIKELY THEY ARE TO COMMIT PETTY CRIMES

  41. SUICIDE AND PETTY CRIME DO NOT HAVE MUCH TO DO WITH INEQUALITY HOW ABOUT DERIVING FROM DURKHEIM’S GENERAL INTEGRATION HYPOTHESIS, SPECIFIC HYPOTHESES ABOUT PHENOMENA OFTEN ASSOCIATED WTH INEQUALITY AND ITS CONSEQUENCES? THERE ARE CLASSES IN A SOCIETY, AND VOTING IS THE PEACEFUL EXPRESSION OF THE CLASS STRUGGLE

  42. THE THEORY OF OPINION CLIMATE AND VOTING ADVANCED IN 1944 BY LAZARSFELD, BERELSON AND GAUDET LAZARSFELD DOES NOT REFER TO DURKHEIM

  43. THE MORE STRONGLY A PERSON IS INTEGRATED INTO A GROUP, THE MORE LIKELY THIS PERSON IS TO LIVE UP TO ITS NORM ABOUT THE PARTY TO VOTE FOR THE NORM AMONG MANUAL WORKERS IN THE USA IS TO VOTE FOR THE DEMOCRATS ____________________________________________ MANUAL WORKERS WHOSE FATHER WAS A MANUAL WORKER TOO, ARE MORE LIKELY TO VOTE FOR THE DEMOCRATS, AND SO ARE MANUAL WORKERS WHO ARE A MEMBER OF A LABOUR UNION

  44. THE MORE STRONGLY A PERSON IS INTEGRATED INTO A GROUP, THE MORE LIKELY THIS PERSON IS TO LIVE UP TO ITS NORM ABOUT THE PARTY TO VOTE FOR THE NORM AMONG PROTESTANTS IS TO VOTE FOR THE REPUBLICANS, AMONG CATHOLICS FOR THE DEMOCRATS ____________________________________________ PROTESTANTS WHO GO TO CHURCH MORE OFTEN, ARE MORE LIKELY TO VOTE FOR THE REPUBLICANS, CATHOLICS WHO GO TO CHURCH MORE OFTEN FOR THE DEMOCRATS

  45. SO, THE STRONGER THE INTEGRATION OF PERSONS INTO A SOCIETY’S INTERMEDIARY GROUPS, THE STRONGER THE POLITICAL CLEAVAGES OR DIVISIONS WITHIN THAT SOCIETY

More Related