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“Borrowing Verbs into Russian: A Usage-Based Approach” . Laura A. Janda UNC-Chapel Hill janda@unc.edu , www.unc.edu/~lajanda. The problem. Nearly all Russian verbs are either Perfective ( napisat’ p ‘write p ’) or Imperfective ( pisat’ i ‘write i ’)
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“Borrowing Verbs into Russian: A Usage-Based Approach” Laura A. Janda UNC-Chapel Hill janda@unc.edu, www.unc.edu/~lajanda
The problem • Nearly all Russian verbs are either Perfective (napisat’p ‘writep’) or Imperfective (pisat’i ‘writei’) • Except several hundred “Bi-aspectual” verbs (likvidirovat’p/i‘liquidatep/i’) • Nearly all Bi-aspectual verbs are foreign borrowings • Scholars assume Bi-aspectual verbs = foreign borrowings • But • Nearly 40% of borrowed verbs are not Bi-aspectual • Bi-aspectual verbs behave differently from non-Bi-aspectual verbs
Outcomes • Empirical study confirms predictions of “cluster” model of Russian aspect • “Cluster” model has been suggested by Janda as alternative to traditional aspectual “pair” model • Study also suggests interaction between lexical semantics and grammatical aspect • Bi-aspectual verbs lack a Non-Completable (atelic) construal
Overview • Traditional assumptions about Russian aspect • Traditional assumptions about borrowed and Bi-aspectual verbs • Janda’s “clusters” model and borrowed and Bi-aspectual verbs • Empirical study • Conclusions
1. Traditional assumptions about Russian aspect • (Prototypical situation, ignoring Bi-aspectuals) • A given verb is either Perfective (marked) or Imperfective (unmarked) in all tenses and forms • Simplex base verbs (usually Imperfective) are combined with prefixes and suffixes to create new Perfective and Imperfective verbs
A typical verb and some of its relatives (i.e., a “cluster”) • pisat’i ‘write’i • napisat’p ‘writep’ • popisat’p ‘write for a whilep’ • podpisat’p ‘signp’ • podpisyvat’i ‘signi’ • perepisat’p ‘revisep’ • perepisyvat’i ‘revise’i
A typical verb and some of its relatives (i.e., a “cluster”) • pisat’i ‘write’i • napisat’p ‘writep’ • popisat’p ‘write for a whilep’ • podpisat’p ‘signp’ • podpisyvat’i ‘signi’ • perepisat’p ‘revisep’ • perepisyvat’i ‘revise’i Root: pis
A typical verb and some of its relatives (i.e., a “cluster”) • pisat’i ‘write’i • napisat’p ‘writep’ • popisat’p ‘write for a whilep’ • podpisat’p ‘signp’ • podpisyvat’i ‘signi’ • perepisat’p ‘revisep’ • perepisyvat’i ‘revise’i Perfectives derived by prefixation
A typical verb and some of its relatives (i.e., a “cluster”) • pisat’i ‘write’i • napisat’p ‘writep’ • popisat’p ‘write for a whilep’ • podpisat’p ‘signp’ • podpisyvat’i ‘signi’ • perepisat’p ‘revisep’ • perepisyvat’i ‘revise’i Secondary Imperfectives derived by suffixation
A typical verb and some of its relatives (i.e., a “cluster”) • pisat’i ‘write’i • napisat’p ‘writep’ • popisat’p ‘write for a whilep’ • podpisat’p ‘signp’ • podpisyvat’i ‘signi’ • perepisat’p ‘revisep’ • perepisyvat’i ‘revise’i A Bi-aspectual verb, likvidirovat’p/i ‘liquidatep/i’, fills both roles
2. Traditional assumptions about Bi-aspectual verbs • What we DO know • Borrowed verbs in Russian: • Have –ova- suffix, which gives verbal inflection but does not designate aspect • Bi-aspectual verbs • Over 90% are foreign borrowings • Can express both Perfective and Imperfective with the same morphological form (never ambiguous)(Isačenko 1960, Mučnik 1966, Avilova 1968, Galton 1976, Gladney 1982, Čertkova 1996, Jászay 1999, Zaliznjak & Šmelev 2000, but cf. Timberlake 2004)
2. Traditional assumptions about borrowed and Bi-aspectual verbs • What we DON’T know • Are there non-Bi-aspectual (Imperfective) borrowed verbs? • Do Imperfective borrowed verbs behave differently from Bi-aspectual borrowed verbs? • Do semantic factors motivate aspectual status of borrowed verbs? YES! YES! YES!
3. Janda’s “clusters” model and borrowed and Bi-aspectual verbs • An alternative to the “pair” model: • Clusters of aspectually related verbs • Metaphorical motivations for aspect in Russian • More than one type of Perfective • Completability (telicity) distinguishes among Perfectives: A COMPLETABLE ACTION IS TRAVEL TOWARD A DESTINATION • Bi-aspectual verbs tend to lack Non-Completable (atelic) construal
“Pair” vs. “cluster” • pisat’i ‘write’i • napisat’p ‘writep’ • popisat’p ‘write for a whilep’ • podpisat’p ‘signp’ • podpisyvat’i ‘signi’ • perepisat’p ‘revisep’ • perepisyvat’i ‘revise’i Typical aspectual pair Secondary aspectual pairs
“Pair” vs. “cluster” Cluster recognizes different kinds of Perfectives • pisat’i ‘write’i • napisat’p ‘writep’ NATURAL (NP) • popisat’p ‘write for a whilep’COMPLEX ACT (CA) • podpisat’p ‘signp’ SPECIALIZED (SP) • podpisyvat’i ‘signi’ • perepisat’p ‘revisep’ SPECIALIZED (SP) • perepisyvat’i ‘revise’i Non-Completable !
Completable vs. Non-Completable Bi-Aspectual verbs tend to be of this type Unambiguously Completable Sestra ideti v kino. ‘My sister is goingi to the movie theater.’ Ambiguous Sestra pišeti dissertaciju. ‘My sister is writingi her dissertation.’ Sestra pišeti naučnuju fantastiku. ‘My sister writesi science fiction.’ Unambiguously Non-Completable Sestra rabotaeti v kabinete. ‘My sister is working/worksi in her office.’ NP, SP NP, SP Non-Bi-aspectual verbs tend to be of these types CA CA
4. Empirical study • Hypothesis: • Bi-aspectual borrowed verbs are strongly Completable (telic), so they will be unlikely to form Complex Act Perfectives with po- • Imperfective borrowed verbs will be more likely to form Complex Act Perfectives with po-
4. Empirical study • Methodology: • Cull all foreign verbs from a single source • Sort Bi-aspectual vs. Imperfective • Collect data on frequency of unprefixed and po- prefixed (Complex Act Perfective) forms
4. Empirical study • 555 foreign verbs in Wheeler 1972/1992 • 349 (63%) Bi-aspectual • 206 (37%) Imperfective Yes! Logistic regression model using Pearson’s statistic yields 107.37 and the associated p-value is <.0001 Is this significant?
High-frequency Bi-aspectual borrowings with zero po- perfectives: • Covering a surface • gummirovat’p/i ‘coat with rubberp/i’, meblirovat’p/i ‘upholsterp/i’, metallizirovat’p/i ‘coat with metalp/i’, ornamentirovat’p/i ‘ornamentp/i’, plakirovat‘p/i ‘platep/i’, satinirovat’p/i ‘polishp/i’ • Removal • demaskirovat’p/i‘unmaskp/i’, deblokirovat’p/i ‘unblockp/i’, demilitarizirovat’p/i ‘demilitarizep/i’, demobilizirovat’p/i ‘demobilizep/i’, denacionalizirovat’p/i ‘privatizep/i’, dezertirovat’p/i ‘desertp/i’ • Physical change of state • denaturirovat’p/i ‘denaturep/i’, gofrirovat’p/i ‘crimpp/i’, granulirovat’p/i ‘granulatep/i’, kristallizovat’sjap/i ‘crystallizep/i’, temperirovat’p/i ‘temperp/i’, vulkaniz(ir)ovat’p/i ‘vulcanizep/i’ • Cultural/Linguistic change of state • anglizirovat’p/i ‘anglicizep/i’, evropeizirovat’p/i ‘europeanizep/i’, germanizirovat’p/i ‘germanifyp/i’, internacionalizirovat’p/i ‘internationalizep/i’, latinizirovat’p/i ‘latinizep/i’, dešifrirovat’p/i ‘decipherp/i’
High-frequency Bi-aspectual borrowings with zero po- perfectives: • Arrangement/Organization • decentralizovat’p/i ‘decentralizep/i’, dezorganizovat’p/i ‘disorganizep/i’, èšelonirovat’p/i ‘echelonp/i’, flankirovat’p/i ‘flankp/i’, frakcionirovat’p/i ‘fractionatep/i’, kollektivizirovat’p/i ‘collectivizep/i’ • Budgetary arrangement • assignovat’p/i ‘allocatep/i’, debetovat’p/i ‘debitp/i’, kapitalizirovat’p/i ‘reinvestp/i’, monopolizirovat’p/i ‘monopolizep/i’ • Proclamation • dekretirovat’p/i ‘decreep/i’, denonsirovat’p/i ‘denouncep/i’, dezavuairovat’p/i ‘disavowp/i’, indossirovat’p/i ‘endorsep/i’, inkriminirovat’p/i ‘incriminatep/i’, kanon(iz)irovat’p/i ‘canonizep/i’, ratificirovat’p/i ‘ratifyp/i’
5. Conclusions • Both Bi-aspectual and Imperfective borrowed verbs exist • Clusters model predicts that Bi-aspectual verbs will be unlikely to form Complex Act Perfectives with po- -- this hypothesis is confirmed • Foreign borrowings with Completable construals become Bi-aspectuals, other verbs become Imperfectives • Grammatical aspect is influenced by lexical semantics
THANK YOU • The author would like to thank John Korba for collecting data and Chris Wiesen for assistance with statistical analysis. Thanks are also due to Tore Nesset and the reviewers for: Dagmar Divjak and Agata Kochanska, eds. Slavic Contributions to Cognitive Linguistics. Cognitive Linguistics Research. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter
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