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Towards a P_ToBI :

PaPI2007 Universidade do Minho Worskshop on the Transcription of Intonation in Ibero-Romance. Towards a P_ToBI :. Céu Viana* & Sónia Frota** (coordinators) *CLUL, **DLGR/Onset-CEL, FLUL

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Towards a P_ToBI :

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  1. PaPI2007 Universidade do Minho Worskshop on the Transcription of Intonation in Ibero-Romance Towards a P_ToBI: Céu Viana* & Sónia Frota**(coordinators) *CLUL, **DLGR/Onset-CEL, FLUL Participants: Isabel Falé, Flaviane Fernandes, Isabel Mascarenhas, Ana Isabel Mata, Helena Moniz & Marina Vigário POCTI-SFA-17-745

  2. A first attempt at a unified transcription of some aspects of Portuguese intonation Brings together studies conducted on lab speech and on speech technology-oriented corpora First joint-venture of two research groups in process of fusion Our proposals are grounded on the understanding of the intonational and prosodic grammar of Portuguese based on the body of research developped in the last 20 years Pioneering work within the AM approach: Viana (1987) Previous studies on P-Intonation almost inexistent Overview: Frota (2000) 0. Introduction: background

  3. Pitch accents Nuclear accents Prenuclear accents Post-nuclear accent Boundary Tones Levels of prosodic structure relevant to intonational phrasing Distribution of tonal events and phrasing Sparse vs. rich distribution Sentence Types Declaratives Neutral; late/early focus Questions Wh-, yes-no Yes-no: late/early focus Queries, Checks Varieties SEP ; NEP ; BP Speech style Lab speech; professional reading; non-scripted speech; spontaneous speech 0. Introduction: topics covered

  4. In this talk: Basic tunes across sentence types (Lab speech) Data from SEP, NEP and BP Discuss the levels of phrasing in P-intonation New insights from spontaneous, non-scripted speech New accents Differences in the structural position, frequency of use and/or meaning of the same accents Levels of phrasing revisited Research on P-intonation (and P-prosody) is fairly recent, and a ground for consensus is only now being achieved Present labelling proposals are seen as work in progress It is hoped that they can help formulate relevant directions for further research This workshop is a big push Towards a P-ToBI 0. Introduction: main goals

  5. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: pitch accents • Description H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* L+H* Three main nuclear accents

  6. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: pitch accents • Description H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* L+H* Previous peak + fall within the accented syllable Low target usually near the bottom of the speaker’s range Nucleus in neutral/broad focus statements and questions Frota 1993, 1997, 2000, 2002a; Falé 1995; Vigário1998

  7. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: pitch accents • Description H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* L+H* Peak within the accented syllable immediately followed by a fall; usually followed by compressed pitch range within the same IP Nucleus in narrow/contrastive focus declaratives Frota 1993, 1997, 2000, 2002a; Vigário1998; Fernandes 2007

  8. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: pitch accents • Description H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* L+H* Low target in the accented syllable followed by a rise, starting within this syllable and usually reaching its peak on the next syllable Nucleus in initial/internal IPs within statements (continuation); nucleus in contrastive yes-no questions Frota 2000, 2002b; Frota et al. 2007; Vigário 2003

  9. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: pitch accents • Description H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* L+H* Three main nuclear accents Pre-nuclear position

  10. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: pitch accents • Description H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* L+H* Accented syllable preceded by immediately previous peak Accented syllable around mid range Common prenuclear accent in statements Frota 2002b

  11. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: pitch accents • Description H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* L+H* Accented syllable is high F0 peak not after a (substantial) rise or fall Frequent initial accent in statements and questions Frota 2000, 2002b; 2003; Vigário1998

  12. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: pitch accents • Description H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* L+H* Accented syllable is high and immediately preceded by a low target leading to a rise in the accented syllable Fairly infrequent accent in SEP Frota, D’Imperio, Elordieta, Prieto & Vigário 2007

  13. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: boundary tones • Simple and complex intonational phrase-final boundaries L% H% LH% HL% !H% %H A low target on the boundary syllable Pre-final and final IPs in statements; Wh-questions Viana 1987; Vigário 1998; Frota 2000, 2002b

  14. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: boundary tones • Simple and complex intonational phrase-final boundaries L% H% LH% HL% !H% %H A high target on the boundary syllable Initial and internal IPs in statements (continuation) Viana 1987; Vigário 1998; Frota 2000, 2002b, Frota et al. 2007

  15. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: boundary tones • Simple and complex intonational phrase-final boundaries L% H% LH% HL% !H% %H Low and High targets (rise) on the boundary syllable Neutral yes-no questions, Contrastive yes-no questions (early nucleus); ‘Polite’ wh-questions Frota 2002b

  16. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: boundary tones • Simple and complex intonational phrase-final boundaries L% H% LH% HL% !H% %H High and low targets (fall) on the boundary syllable Contrastive yes-no questions (late nucleus) Frota 2002b

  17. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: boundary tones • Simple and complex intonational phrase-final boundaries L% H% LH% HL% !H% %H A downstepped high target on the boundary syllable (also responsible for sustained pitch) Initial and internal IPs in statements Frota, D’Imperio, Elordieta, Prieto & Vigário 2007

  18. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: boundary tones • Simple and complex intonational phrase-final boundaries L% H% LH% HL% !H% %H Initial high boundary (optional) Unsettled issues: labelling of the initial phrasal tone I[w[ Statements and questions Frota 2003

  19. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: neutral statement the poet sang a morning angelic

  20. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: neutral statement the blond girl recorded a song wonderful from-the olive-pressman H+L*, as in Italian varieties (Grice et al. 2005), or American Spanish (Sosa 1991)

  21. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: neutral statement vs focus What about John and Mary? What happened to them? John and Mary broke up ? (they got) married (they got) married

  22. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: narrow/contrastive focus Was it an angelic night that the poet sang ? focus

  23. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: narrow/contrastive focus Who offered spices to the journalists ? focus H*+L, as in Bari or Palermo Italian (Grice 1995, Grice et al. 2005)

  24. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: wh-question who painted a morning amber ? Same contour as in neutral declarative statements (like in e.g. Standard Italian, Avesani 1995)

  25. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: neutral yes-no question the poet sang a morning angelic ? Interrogation is signalled by the tonal boundary (like in e.g. Standard Italian or French, Avesani 1995, Post 2000); unlike in Southern varieties of Italian or in Catalan, Grice 2005, Prieto 2000)

  26. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: neutral yes-no question the girls Angolans-FEM read-to-us-it ? An accentual fall plus a boundary rise placed enterily on the final syllable; the pitch in between not controlled by L but resulting instead from interpolation (as in e.g. Bengali)

  27. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: contrastive yes-no question I’ve seen that movie but I don’t recall who drives a Porsche. focus the hero drives a Porsche ?

  28. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: contrastive yes-no question I would like to know if they bought slides and not something different. focus the boys bought slides (for the microscope) ? L*+H HL% acounts for the higher level of the H target (as in L*+HH%, Vigário 1998, Frota 2000); the end point of the rising pitch is always the pre-final syllable (Frota 2002b)

  29. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: intonational phrasing parenthetical Major IP: domain for sandhi, e.g. Fricative voicing; final lengthening; wider boundary rise; nuclear accent plus a H boundary (Frota 2000)

  30. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: intonational phrasing parenthetical Minor IP: smaller final lengthening; smaller boundary rise; but the same sequence nuclear accent plus a H boundary; phrasing into minor IPs depends on phrase length (Frota 2000)

  31. Compound IP (Ladd 1992, 1996, Frota 2000, Vigário 2003) IPs: sandhi, final lengthening, nucleus plus a tonal boundary (H or L) Relative length of IPs > Compound Inner IP boundary within a Compound or Major IP is weaker than the outer IP boundary (degree of final lengthening and size of pitch excursion) Proposal: Major IP > T%, level 4 Minor IP > T- , level 3 Why not the intermediate phrase? No evidence in terms of the distribution of categorical phonological markers, e.g. T-T% for the IP and just T- for the ip Frota 2000, 2002a,b No evidence for an edge tone that determines the contour from the last pitch accent until the end of the phrase, as in the definition of the ip (B&P 1986, Ladd 1996, Beckman et al. 2005, Grice at al. 2005) Frota 2002a,b 2. Basic tunes in SEP: intonational phrasing

  32. 2. Basic tunes in SEP: intonational phrasing Long subject the boyfriend megalomaniac of-the Brazilian looked (at the) dark-haired women’ Subjects more than 8 syllables long (Elordieta, Frota & Vigário 2005)

  33. 2. Basic tunes in NEP: neutral statement L* the daughter-in-law of mother talked about the boyfriend Rich distribution of pitch accents (Vigário & Frota 2003); more IPs by utterance

  34. the daughter-in-law of mother talked about the boyfriend

  35. 2. Basic tunes in NEP: wh-question who painted a morning amber ? Same nuclear contour as in NEP neutral declarative statements: L* L%

  36. 2. Basic tunes in NEP: neutral yes-no question the boys bought slides (for the microscope) ? Interrogation is signalled by the tonal boundary: H(L)%

  37. 2. Basic tunes in BP: neutral statement the researcher already gave-back the money Same nuclear contour as in SEP, but rich distribution of pitch accents (Frota & Vigário 2000, Tenani 2002, Fernandes 2007)

  38. the researcher already gave-back the money

  39. 2. Basic tunes in BP: narrow (informational) focus Who died in the lake ? focus the girls beautiful died in-the lake Two possibilities: main option is different from SEP (Fernandes 2007)

  40. Who died in the lake ? focus the girls beautiful died in-the lake

  41. SEP NEP BP Neutral Decl H+L* L% L* L% H+L* L% Focus in Decl H*+LL*+HL- (or H*+L) Wh-question H+L* L% L* L% Neutral yes-no Q H+L* LH%L* H(L)% Contrastive yes-no L*+HLH/HL% I-phrasing long phrases short phrases Sparse/rich accent distribution sparse rich rich (accentedI-phrase internal w)27% 74% 80% 2. Basic tunes in SEP, NEP and BP: summary Accent on every IP PhP PW (Hellmuth 2007)

  42. Independent evidence for: Tonal inventory Main tunes What’s new (for SEP) Nuclear H*, L*, L+H* and H+!H* Pre-nuclear and nuclear ^H* Problematic issues Boundary tones Final HL%, !H% and L% Initial %H and %L How to deal with the equivalence of L*+H and %L H* ? How many levels of phrasing? (a supplementary level for sentence-like chunks?) 3 – Professional & Spontaneous Speech

  43. 3. Pre-nuclear and nuclear L+H* in SEP Statement – New information (professional reading)

  44. 3. Nuclear L+H* Statement – new information - list qualities (high-school presentation, non-scripted)  

  45. 3. Nuclear L* in SEP Statement, given information, continuation (high school spontaneous presentation)

  46. 3. Nuclear L* in SEP Given information (topicalization), new information, continuation: MapTask corpus (INSTRUCT, non-final)  

  47. 3. L* vs L*+H Yes-no question versus agree-proceed   (Map Task)

  48. 3. Nuclear H* Imperative - polite/exhortative (lab speech)

  49. 3. Nuclear H* Question – confirmation seeking

  50. 3. Nuclear H* Question – confirmation seeking

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