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DFA Budget Vote: thoughts

Explore South Africa's diplomatic approach from 1994 to 2008, including bilateral and multilateral relations, UN involvement, and challenges in public diplomacy. Can South Africa effectively balance domestic interests with global responsibilities?

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DFA Budget Vote: thoughts

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  1. DFA Budget Vote: thoughts Dr Siphamandla Zondi Institute for Global Dialogue May 2008

  2. Contextual Remarks • From diplomatic normalization to active international presence • 1994-2004: Bilateral • restructuring & transformation • establishment of 111 diplomatic missions abroad & receiving 137 foreign missions • in Africa 35 missions • Consolidated special bilaterals – +/-34 Binational Commissions by 2005 • Strategic bilaterals with the EU, Brazil, India, China, Nigeria etc with economic value

  3. Contextual Remarks • Multilateral: • SADC integration & SACU consolidation • AU transition and institutionalization • Revitalization of the NAM, Bandung Agenda, G77 +77, NAASP, & IBSA = South-South Co-operation • North-South Relations: SA-EU & Africa-EU, G8 Outreach 5 (with China, India, Brazil & Mexico), flirting with OECD • Global governance: active role in the UN, especially General Assembly; UN reform • Branding and public diplomacy – media relations

  4. SETTING THE SCENE Impact of ‘emerging Powers’ Western domination of international organizations Greater need for multilateralism & shared values • Questions about the value of the UN for security • Construction of a new financial architecture • Constructing a global agenda for sustainable development

  5. Note … • Reform ~ crafting a progressive discourse to globalization; • Better SA, better Africa, better world • Norm entrepreneurship in global arena • Bridge-building and seeking consensus • Balance between foreign policy interests and imperatives of domestic transformation

  6. SA in the United Nations • General Assembly: acting as a responsible global citizen : • Promoting nuclear non-proliferation through coalitions (NAC) and consensus-building; defending the role of IAEA • Promoting common South positions and action plans on issues like the middle east conflict, WSSD; MDGs, Monterrey • Enabling UN to fulfil its erstwhile developmental programmes • Push for representation (South) in the Secretariat; & access to procurement system; refurbishment of buildings • Strengthening the human rights architecture ->Human Rights Council --- defended the Council subsequently • Coalitions in defence of the sanctity of the UN and its charter (rule of law group) – including its financial position • Push on post-conflict reconstruction – Peace Building Commission • Structured interface between UN and regional organizations

  7. SA in the Security Council UNSC - a great opportunity to contribute maintenance of global peace But requires capacity to handle the machinery & complex agenda, & friends • Votes on Myanmar, Iran, Rape, Zimbabwe, & Climate Change caused controversy • The positions were principled and correct: protecting integrity of the UN & multilateralism vs unilateralism; promoting rule of law; Africa’s interests, • But communication with the public and articulation of the positions in the world media was poor • Raised the issue of our inability to follow the battles from the chambers to newsrooms and public platforms?

  8. …. • Zimbabwe’s ever-deepening crisis and this idea that SA uses ‘quite diplomacy’ • If you don’t articulate your policy clearly, other actors define it for you • If they do and you have no coherent response, then the problem is more serious • Expansion of SA corporations has generated a lot of uneasiness in Africa & fears of sub-imperialism • While about regulation and guidance, this is also about SA countering the negative image • If we don’t, activities of companies will define who we are and what our interests are in Africa

  9. PUBLIC DIPLOMACY -> PUBLIC DISASTER? • UN Security Council PR debacle is an epitome of wider problem • Policies and positions can be principled, but if not well and pro-actively articulated they are weak • The SA govt has a major challenge articulating its own positions both to citizens and outside audiences • In global debates the correctness of positions is linked to public perceptions about them

  10. What’s the problem? • What anyway do we mean by public diplomacy at DFA? ….NB. Info age! • It tends to be media liaison – press statements to inform and alert • The purpose is information rather than articulation of policy and positions • The target is media rather than citizens and opinion makers • It tends to be a small element of a huge organization- indicating the value DFA attaches to it currently • It tends to be written statements and monologues rather than dialogue/engagement

  11. What’s the problem? • Website is brilliant, but for a few who have access? There is no space for comment on it (READ ONLY) • Does DFA have a proper public diplomacy strategy and plan? • If it did, it would be able to anticipate areas of difficulty and pro-actively engage, e.g. Zimbabwe,, EU’s EPAs etc • If it did, all envoys will be armed with appropriate information to engage audiences overseas

  12. What’s the problem? • A strategy would make it mandatory for diplomats to undergo proper training in this area … are there PD experts at DFA? • PD has 2 fronts: 1. domestic (citizens & intermediaries), 2. foreign (envoys?) • In times of controversy, diplomats should n’t refer to Pretoria (they are envoys) • A strategy: events are opportunities to brand, communicate & sell SA. PD is not merely organizing press conferences • It would also specify informal avenues

  13. RESOURCES FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY • PD: a significant portion of the DFA budget • But can we disaggregate the item? • Can we ask if there are plans and how broad are they? • How much of it is spent on building the communication infrastructure • Communication has become a major site of international relations including power struggles … INFO AGE! • Foreign policy thrives in the market place of ideas (media & public debates)

  14. A major element of public diplomacy is interface with opinion-makers, interlocutors and purveyors of information & knowledge • Analysts, columnists, NGOs, prominent persons etc- they shape public opinion : e.g. Tutu on Myanmar • Build on PRAU-led interface with intermediaries.But Budget! Terms of reference! DFA Participation! • Security Council seat: one engagement with analysts; regular media briefings

  15. PUBLIC ENGAGEMENT • Engagement with the public is a principle in Batho Pele • As a result, most departments have izimbizo, but DFA only had 1 in 2005(during the UN Reform)… why & what’s the plan? • Don’t citizens deserve to hear from DFA and ask questions about our foreign affairs? • How else can we eradicate the perception that there is more focus on Africa & the world than on domestic issues? • What item in the budget provides for this?

  16. COHERENT DIPLOMACY • A serious weakness in the entire IRPS cluster work is poor co-ordination between political & economic diplomacy • Both 10 & 15 year review refer to lack of coherence in the work of DFA & DTI in areas • Training of diplomats in economic diplomacy is one positive development • But co-ordination requires a structured programme from DFA as a lead department … & engagement with DTI

  17. SUB-NATIONAL IR • Cities, municipalities & provinces are playing an increasingly active role in international relations the world over • The dramatic increase in sub-national IR by SA is underestimated • This leads to conflicting messages, unnecessary competition, dislocation of the national agenda • The DFA has responded with a study & workshops, but not much energy • What item in budget address this?

  18. SA in Africa • Moral authority is a major asset, but as it wanes what will be the basis of our IR? • Our leadership of Africa is increasingly challenged, what are we doing to regain our position? • If we are to be bolder than we have been, would we sustain it? • NEPAD is falling apart, any strategy to counter this? • Should we continue to invest in SADC, if we have our eyes in SACU?

  19. Empty offices abroad • A major contradiction of SA’s active IR is failure to staff position in the UN, AU, SADC etc • At our own peril: lost opportunities to advance our interests & lack of commitment tag • SADC states lament our reticence to field a candidate for chair of AU Commission • When we deployed senior officials at NEPAD & SADC in 2000-2004/5, our interests were well secured, but now?

  20. DFA CAPACITY • The number of vacancies remains a concern • The sooner a full diplomatic training institution is operationalized the better • The status of the FSI and PRAU under the new Branch… what is the underlying logic and what are benchmarks? • A review of the BNCs, a number are dysfunctional or no longer have value

  21. as a DEVELOPMENT PARTNER • Donors have interests too • SA contributes significantly to AU budget, but is cautious • Through ARIC fund, SA provides governance support in various countries, does not use this as a strategic leverage • What is the plan on ‘The Return for Investments’? Are we too naïve? • The Union Government debate is an opportunity to provide strategic leadership in keeping with our investments

  22. CONCLUSION • Active international relations has benefitted us, but also posed new challenges • To build on successes & deal with weakness, we need much more energy than we currently show • We need to balance normal diplomatic activities with new dimensions of public & economic diplomacy • Embassies everywhere - good, but more presence means populate critical organizations & market place of ideas too

  23. THANKSNgiyabongaKe a lebogaNdo livhuwa

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