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Deriving moraic consonants from temporal coordination

Deriving moraic consonants from temporal coordination. Jason Shaw New York University 14mfm—25 May, 2006. Email: jason.shaw@nyu.edu Website: http://homepages.nyu.edu/~jas745/. Problem. Within Prosodic Morphology Foot Binarity is the explanation for minimal word requirements.

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Deriving moraic consonants from temporal coordination

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  1. Deriving moraic consonants from temporal coordination Jason Shaw New York University 14mfm—25 May, 2006 Email: jason.shaw@nyu.edu Website: http://homepages.nyu.edu/~jas745/

  2. Problem • Within Prosodic Morphology Foot Binarityis the explanation for minimal word requirements. • In some languages, initial geminates clearly contribute weight for the purposes of minimal word requirements • But, the representations proposed for initial geminates are incompatible with Foot Binarity Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  3. Background • Onsets are widely thought to be weightless (but see Gordon 2005) • Initial geminates appear to contribute weight in some languages: Chuukese (a.k.a. Trukese)(Hart 1991, Davis 1999), Luganda(Clements 1986, Hyman and Katamba 1993, 1999), Ponapean (McCarthy and Prince 1986, Goodman 1995), Pattani Malay (Hajek and Goedesman 2003) • But not in others: Thurgovian (Krahaenman 2003), Bernese (Spaelti 1994, Ham 1998), Morrocan Arabic (Kiparsky 2002), Cypriot Greek (Arvaniti and Rose 2003) , Leti (Hume et. al. 1997) • Weight varies independently of length. (Tranel 1991, Hume et. al. 1997, Muller 2001, Curtis 2003) Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  4. μ μ Proposal preview: [tto] Standard Moraic Theory Current Proposal σ σ ? μ μ C-Tier: V-Tier: C V • Length: two blocks on C-tier • Length: two association lines • weight: mora associated to the V-tier • weight: mora associated directly to C • Melody: articulatory gestures • Melody: segments (Browman and Goldstein 1986 et. seq.) Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  5. Chuukese word-final vowels 1) Long vowels shortened 2) Short vowels deleted Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  6. Sub-minimal word lengthening 1) CVCV lengthens  CVVC 2) GVCV doesn’t lengthen CCVC 3) Driven by bimoraic minimal word requirement (Hart 1991, Davis and Torretta 1997, Davis 1999, Muller 1999, Muller 2001) Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  7. Prosodic Morphology (PM) (McCarthy and Prince, 1986 et. seq; Ito and Mester, 1992) Derives Minimal Word effects from general constraints on prosodic structure 1 Standard theory includes: Parse-σ: Syllables must be parsed into feet FtBin: Feet must branch at the μ or σ level Headedness: Prosodic words contain feet… 2 Additional restrictions discussed: Mora Confinement: Moras must be licensed by syllables Uniformity of Linking: No simultaneous linking to distinct levels Hierarchical locality: Only adjacent levels of structure are visible Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  8. Structure of the argument • Initial geminates in SMT • Proposal—intrinsic overlap • Comparison of theories • Extension to codas • Conclusions Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  9. Option (3) Option (1) Option (2) ω ω ω Option (5) Option (4) φ φ φ ω ω σ σ σ φ φ μ μ μ μ μ μ σ σ σ C V C V C V μ μ μ μ C V C V Initial Geminates in SMT SMT allows for no fewer than 5 distinct representations for [tto] that are compatible with standard views of the prosodic hierarchy (Goodman 1995; Davis 1999; Kiparsky 2002) Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  10. ω φ φ σ σ σ μ μ μ μ C V Initial Geminates in SMT SMT Option (4) • PM solution to CVC lengthening requires that surface form contain a binary foot. [tto] φ or Either σ σ μ μ SMT Option (4) 1) binary feet at σ level 2) Initial [t] is a syllable peak Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  11. Consonants and vowels overlap (Fowler 1983; Browman and Goldstein 1986 et. seq.) Current Proposal • Moras are assigned to V-Tier (Clements and Keyser 1983) • Timing relations between consonants and vowels are controlled in the Phonology (Gafos 2002, Hall 2004) Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  12. T C R Of O σ σ C1 C C R1 R R T2 C2 T T T1 R2 σ O2 Of Of2 O Of1 μ μ μ μ μ O1 O O V-Tier: I. Moras are assigned to V-Tier The length of the vocalic tier corresponds to the duration of vocalic gestures in a syllable Landmarks in the life of a gesture (Gafos 2002): O = Onset of movement T = Achievement of Target C = Midpoint of gestural plateau (C-center) R = Release from target Of – Offset of the gesture V-Tier: Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  13. σ μ μ σ C-Tier: μ μ C C C C R R R R T T T T V-Tier: O O O O O O O O II. Consonants and vowels overlap • Consonant gestures are timed with respect to vowel gestures CV(Syn) CV(Cen) • When a consonant overlaps a mora association, the increased weight has been attributed to the consonant • I will call these pseudo-moraic consonants Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  14. σ μ μ C-Tier: V-Tier: C C R R T T σ O O μ μ C-Tier: V-Tier: O O III. Timing relations controlled by Phonological constraints Phonological Constraints CV(Syn): C & V are synchronous  Align (C, Onset, V, Onset) CV(Cen): C & V partially overlap Align(C, C-Center, V, Onset) Implication: consonant clusters cannot satisfy either CV constraint without completely overlapping each other. (the constraint RECOV mitigates against complete overlap, see Gafos 2002 for discussion) Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  15. Summary • 2 intra-syllabic structures: Light, Heavy • Light geminates are long gestures that do not overlap a mora • Heavy geminates are long gestures that do overlap a mora • Contrastive length is determined by tier-length • CV(SYN) or CV(CEN) undominated prohibit clusters (Gafos 2002, see also Browman and Goldstein 2000) Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  16. ω SMT ω φ φ σ σ σ C-Tier: μ μ μ μ V-Tier: C V [tto] [tto] Comparison of Theories Are geminates really syllabic? Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  17. ω ω φ φ σ σ σ σ μ μ μ μ V N C C V [nta] [mmet] Initial geminates vs. Syllabic Nasals • Syllabic initial geminates have been proposed for Luganda and Ponapean • Both languages also have syllabic nasals • Is such structural similarity warranted? Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  18. Ponapean 1) CVCV lengthens  CVVC, a la Chuukese d. [mmet] *[mmeet] e. [mwmwus] *[mwmwuus] f. [ŋŋech] *[ŋŋeech] 2) GVCV resists lengthening  GVC, as does NCVC g. [nta] *[ntaa] h. [ŋket] *[ŋkeet] i. [mwpwer] *[mwpweer] With respect to word minimality, structural similarity between NC and G appear to be justified, but… Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  19. Ponapean • Systematic absence of GVVC, GVV, CVVG • Feels like a bimoraic syllable maximum • This explanation is not available under syllabic analysis of geminates • NCVVC is attested (nseen ‘to snare’) Conclusion: NCV and GV satisfy FtBin at different levels NCVVC = (LL)Φ GVC = (H)Φ Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  20. ω φ σ σ μ μ Current proposal Initial geminates Syllabic nasals ω φ σ μ μ C-Tier: C C C-Tier: N C V-Tier: V V V-Tier: V V [tto] [nta] Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  21. /mpei/ [impey] ~ [mpey] ‘buoyant’ /mwpwer/ [imwpwer] ~ [mwpwer] ‘twin’ /nsen/ [insen] ~ [nsen] ‘will’ /ntiŋ/ [intiŋ] ~ [ntiŋ] ‘to write’ /ntaa/ [inta] ~ [nta] ‘blood’ /nket/ [iŋket] ~ [ŋket] ‘to roof’ Vowels before initial NC in Ponapean Initial NC in free variation with VNC structural difference or phonetic noise? Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  22. Summary • SMT representation compatible with FtBin forces a bi-syllabic analysis of initial geminates. • Forces voiceless obstruents to be syllable nuclei in Chuukese • Prevents syllable maximum account of *GVV, *CVVG restriction in Ponapean • Current analysis solves these problems and extends to syllabic nasals. Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  23. σ μ μ /sopwu / ‘district’ FtBin Ident(length) a) [ soopw] * C-Tier: V-Tier: σ b) [ sopw] *! μ C-Tier: V-Tier: Chuukese Lengthening • Final consonant does not contribute to weight • Vowel lengthens to satisfy FtBin, branching structure at the moraic level.  Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  24. σ σ μ μ μ C-Tier: C-Tier: V-Tier: V-Tier: (87.3 ms) (78.4) c.f. 70.3 ms in CV c.f. 49.3 in CV Extension to Codas light CVC: Khalkha Mongolian heavy CVC: Japanese (Data from Gordon 2002) Acoustic duration of the vowel is determine both by the length of the vowel and the timing relation of the coda. Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  25. Proposal Summary What we did: • Replaced segments with gestures • Controlled gestural coordination in the grammar • Limited mora associations to vowels Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  26. Results What this accomplished: • Extension of FtBin to languages with initial geminates • Allowed for a more restrictive ontogeny of prosodic structures • Provided a unified source of consonant weight Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  27. Undiscussed • Composite Model (Muller 2001) • Other two layer models (Curtis 2003) • Non-moraic approaches (Levin 1985) • Alternate conceptions of moraicity and overlap (B&G 1988) • Compensatory Lengthening • Systematic C:V duration ratios • Vowel to vowel coordination • Mora Faithfulness Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  28. References Arvaniti, A. 2001. Cypriot Greek and the phonetics and phonology of geminates. Paper presented at Proceedings of the First International Conference of Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory, University of Patras. Blevins, Juliette and Harrison, Sheldon. 1999. Trimoraic feet in Glibertese. Oceanic Linguistics, 38.203-30. Broselow, Ellen, Chen, Su-I and Huffman, Marie. 1997. Syllable weight: Convergence of phonology and phonetics. Phonology, 14.47-82. Browman, Catherine P. and Goldstein, Louis. 1988. Some Notes on Syllable Structure in Articulatory Phonology [Jan-June]. Haskins Laboratories Status Report on Speech Research, 93-94.85-102. —. 1992. Articulatory Phonology: An Overview [July-Dec]. Haskins Laboratories Status Report on Speech Research, 111-112.23-42. —. 2000. Competing Constraints on Intergestural Coordination and Self-Organization of Phonological Structures. Bulletin de la Communication Parlee, 5.25-34. Caramaza, Alfonso, Chialant, Doriana, Capasso, Rita and Micell, Gabriele. 2000. Separable processing of consonants and vowels [27 January, 2000]. Nature, 403.428-30. Clements, G. N. 1986. Compensatory lengthening and consonant gemination in Luganda. Studies in Compensatory Lengthening, ed. by L. Wetzels and E. Sezer, 37-77. Dordrecht: Foris. Clements, G. N. and Keyser, Samuel Jay. 1983. CV Phonology: A Generative Theory of the Syllable. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Curtis, Emily. 2003. Geminate weight: case studies and formal models, Dept. of LInguistics, University of Washington: Phd. Davis, S. and Torretta, G. 1997. An Optimality Theoretic Account of Compensatory Lengthening and Geminate Throwback in Trukese. Paper presented at NELS 18. Davis, Stuart. 1999. On the representation of initial geminates [1999]. Phonology, 16.93-104. Dunn, Margaret Hall. 1994. The Phonetics and Phonology of Geminate Consonants: A Production Study: Dissertation/Thesis. Fowler, Carol. 1983. Converging sources of evidence on spoken and perceived rhythms of speech: cyclic production of vowels in monosyllabic stress feet. [1983]. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 112.386-412. Gafos, Adamantios. 2002. A grammar of gestural coordination. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 20.269-337. Goodenough, Ward, H. 1957. The long or double consonants of Trukese. Paper presented at Proceedings of the ninth Pacific Sciences Association, Chulalongkorn University. Goodman, Beverley D. 1995. Features in Ponapean Phonology, Cornell University: Ph. D. Dissertation. Gordon, Matthew. 2002. A phonetically-driven account of syllable weight [2002]. Language, 78.51-80. —. 2005. A percetually-driven account of onset-sensitive stress [2005]. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory, 23.595-653. Hall, Nancy. 2003 Gestures and segments: vowel intrusion as overlap. UMASS: Ph.D Dissertation Ham, William. 1998. Phonetic and Phonology Aspects of Geminate Timing, Linguistics Department, Cornell University. Hart, Michele. 1991. The moraic status of initial geminates in Trukese. BLS, 17 107-20. Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  29. Hayes, Bruce. 1989. Compensatory Lengthening in moraic phonology. Linguistic Inquiry, 20.253-306. Hyman, Larry M. & Francis X. Katamba. 1999. The syllable in Luganda phonology and morphology. The syllable: views and facts, ed. by Harry van der Hulst & Nancy Ritter. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Ito, Junko. 1986. Syllable Theory in Prosodic Phonology, University of Massachusetts, Amherst: Ph. D. Dissertation. Ito, Junko and Mester, Armin. 1992. Weak layering and word binarity. Santa Cruz, CA: University of California Kager, René. 1996. On affix allomorphy and syllable counting. Interfaces in phonology, ed. by U. Kleinhenz, 155-71. Berlin: Akademie Verlag. Kennedy, Robert. 2003. Confluence in Phonology: Evidence from Micronesian Reduplication, University of Arizona. Kiparsky, Paul. 2002. Syllables and moras in Arabic. The Optimal Syllable, ed. by Caroline Féry and Ruben van de Vijver. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Krahenmann, Astrid. 2001. Swiss German stops: geminates all over the word. Phonology 18.109-45. Kurisu, Kazutaka. 2001. The Phonology of Morpheme Realization, University of Santa Cruz: Ph. D. Dissertation. Levin, Juliette. 1985. A Metrical Theory of Syllabicity, MIT: Ph. D. Dissertation. McCarthy, John J. 1981. A prosodic theory of nonconcatenative morphology. Linguistic Inquiry, 12.373-418. McCarthy, John and Prince, Alan. 1986. Prosodic Morphology (RuCCS Technical Report Series TR-3). New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers Center for Cognitive Science, Rutgers University —. 1991. Prosodic Minimality —. 1994. The emergence of the unmarked: Optimality in prosodic morphology. Proceedings of the North East Linguistic Society 24, ed. by Mercè Gonzàlez, 333-79. Amherst, Mass.: GLSA Publications. Muller, Jennifer. 1999. A unifed mora account of Chuukese. Paper presented at WCCFL 18, Somerville, MA. —. 2001. The phonology and phonetics of word-initial geminates, Linguistics Department, The Ohio State University. Ostry, D and Munhall, K. 1985. Control of rate and duration of speech movements. The Journal of the acoustical society of America, 77.640-48. Prince, Alan; Smolensky, Paul. 1993. Optimality Theory: Constraint interaction in generative grammar. Rutgers University Center for Cognitive Science Technical Report 2 Smith, Caroline L. 1995. Prosodic Patterns in the Coordination of Vowel and Consonant Gestures. Phonology and Phonetic Evidence, ed. by Bruce Connell and Amalia Arvaniti, 205-22. Cambridge: Cambridge U Press. Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  30. ω φ [tto] φ σ σ μ μ μ μ C V Initial Geminates in SMT SMT Option (1) PM solution to CVC lengthening requires that surface form contain a binary foot. φ or Either σ σ μ μ 1) No binary foot SMT Option (1) 2) Predicts lengthening to [ttoo] Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  31. ω φ φ σ σ μ μ μ μ C V Initial Geminates in SMT SMT Option (2) PM solution to CVC lengthening requires that surface form contain a binary foot. [tto] φ or Either σ σ μ μ 1) Unattested foot type, (μσ)φ SMT Option (2) 2) Strictly speaking, binary at neither μ or level σ Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  32. ω φ φ σ σ μ μ μ μ C V Initial Geminates in SMT SMT Option (3) PM solution to CVC lengthening requires that surface form contain a binary foot. [tto] φ σ or Either σ σ μ μ 1) No binary foot SMT Option (3) 2) Predicts lengthening to [ttoo] Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  33. ω φ φ σ σ μ μ μ μ C V Initial Geminates in SMT SMT Option (5) • PM solution to CVC lengthening requires that surface form contain a binary foot. [tto] φ or Either σ σ μ μ 1) Never actually proposed SMT Option (5) 2) Predicts syllables with multiple nuclei, non-contiguous rhyme. Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  34. Option (3) Option (1) Option (2) ω ω ω Option (5) Option (4) φ φ φ ω ω σ σ σ φ φ μ μ μ μ μ μ σ σ σ C V C V C V μ μ μ μ C V C V Initial Geminates in SMT Only one real option for Chuukese initial geminates. Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  35. σ1 σ1 σ2 μ μ μ μ C C C C C C C R R R R R R R T T T T T T T O O O O O O O O O O O O O O Vowel to vowel coordination • Some languages force vowels to overlap across consonants • Side effects include V-V coarticulation & syllable timing (Smith 1995; Dunn 1994) Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 • Vowel gestures extend across consonants to satisfy VV-Coord.

  36. /paca/ ‘attached’ [pace-tiw] ‘attached to the bottom’ b) [paco-wu] ‘attached to the outside’ c) [paco-nong] ‘attached to the inside’ [paca- t] ‘attached to the top’ Final vowel of roots predictable from the quality of the suffix vowel. Not strictly harmonizing, but a compromise in space between vowels. Independent Evidence for VV-Coarticulation in Chuukese Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  37. /coccisi/ VV-Coord Ident(s) [ coccis] * σ σ [coccis] * μ μ μ C-Tier: V-Tier: Coda weight in Chuukese Phonological Constraints VV-Coord: (Gafos 2002) Consecutive vowel gestures overlap. σ σ μ μ Ident(S) no shortening/lengthening C-Tier: The value of the stiffness parameter in the input is the same as the value of the stiffness parameter in the output. V-Tier: VV-Coord is vacuously satisfied in final position  Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  38. Compatible with Prosodic Morphology Maintains Uniformity of Linking, mora confinement σ μ rt rt Composite Model Incorporates a tier of X-slots (Levin 1985) Moras assigned to x-slots in 1:1 ratio Length determined by X-slot associations Weight determined by mora μ X X X • Gen builds unattested structures ruled out by grammar that stipulates geminate, coda moraicity Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  39. Comparison of Theories Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  40. Shifting Spreading σ σ σ σ σ μ μ μ μ μ C-Tier: V-Tier: C-Tier: V-Tier: Remaining Issues • There are others ways to satisfy VV-Coord. • Shifting predicts word final vowel reduction • Spreading predicts lengthening Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

  41. Remaining Issues • Chuukese GVV syllables entail trimoraic vowels, but no CVVV • Gilbertese lengthening CV1V2  CV1V1V2 but *VVV • Estonian has 3-way Vowel length contrast Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006

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