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Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

International Conference on Revisiting Japanese Modality. June 25, 2006 University of London, SOAS. Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo. Sumiyo Nishiguchi Stony Brook University snishigu@ic.sunysb.edu. Abstract.

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Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

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  1. International Conference on Revisiting Japanese Modality June 25, 2006 University of London, SOAS Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo Sumiyo Nishiguchi Stony Brook University snishigu@ic.sunysb.edu

  2. Abstract 1. A focus marker mo `also/even’can associate with the whole proposition (Numata 2000) and appear discourse initially. 2. Mo triggers a set of stative propositions similar to the asserted one as presuppositions (cf. Shudo2002). The hearer accommodates the informative presuppositions. Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  3. 3. This kind of mo is an evidential marker. 4. Mo is a modal morpheme of evidentiality as well as speaker's sentiments. 5. Mo takes unaccusative predicates. Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  4. 6. Mo is a determiner which takes presupposition in the restrictor and the unaccusative predicates in the nuclear scope. 7. Mo-p updates the information state. 8. The illocutionary force of mo-p is not only to report (cf. Faller 2002) but to prompt actions. Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  5. 1. Mo Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  6. Mo1 • Mo `also/even’ is a particle attached to noun phrases inJapanese. • Mo `also/even’ is a focus marker or a quantifier-like-element (Kuroda1969). • Mo1 `also’ (1) Ken-mo ki-ta. Ken-alsocome-PAST `Ken came, too' Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  7. Mo2 • Mo obtains the meaning of `even' when the NP is focused(Watanabe 2004). • Mo2 `even’ (2) [Ken]F-mo ki-ta. Ken-also come-PAST `Ken came, too' Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  8. The `even' mo forms NPIs with indeterminates (wh-words) (Kuroda 1965; Watanabe 2004; cf. Lahiri 1998): (3) Dare-mo ko-nai. who-even come-NEG `Nobody comes' Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  9. Mo with minimum quantity serves as a minimizer (Kato 1985): (4) Hito-ri-mo ko-nai. 1-CL-even come-NEG `Nobody comes' Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  10. Japanese grammarians have considered mo polysemous (Sadanobu 1997): i) also; ii) even; and, iii) attenuation (Numata 1986) or admiration (Teramura 1991). Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  11. Mo3 • The meaning of the third mo is distinct from the other two, `also’ and `even’. • Mo can associate with the whole proposition (Numata 1986, Numata 2000). Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  12. Wide Scope and Sentence Focus (5) Yo-mo hukete-ki-ta. night-also pass-come-PAST Mo neru-to shi-yo. already sleep-COMP do-will `It’s late. I will go to bed' (5)’ LF: mo [yo-<mo> huke-ta] Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  13. No Antecedent • This kind of mo does not need any antecedent, such as ``x has become late, and the night also grew late.'' Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  14. Sentence-Focus Structure (Lambrecht 2002) (6) a. Sentence: My CAR broke down. b. Presupposition: ___ c. Assertion: `speaker’s car broke down’ d. Focus domain: `speaker’s car broke down’ e. Focus: S (Lambrecht 2002: 233) Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  15. Moreover, Discourse Initial This sentence focus mo is used discourse initially: (7) Haru-mo takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta spring-also peak-GOAL become-HON-PAST `The spring has reached its peak' (Numata2000: 172) Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  16. What is the meaning of mo? • Mo3 has its distinct meaning since replacing mo3 with ga (nominative case) or wa (topic marker) changes the meaning. (8)a. Haru-mo takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta spring-also peak-GOAL become-HON-PAST b. Haru-ga takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta. spring-NOM peak-LOC become-HON-PAST C. Haru-wa takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta. spring-TOP peak-LOC become-HON-PAST `The spring has reached its peak' Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  17. Observations • Mo triggers presuppositions (section 2) • Mo expresses sentimentality (section 3) Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  18. 2. Presupposition Accommodation by Mo Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  19. Numata argues that (7) either: i) evokes other events relevant to change of seasons; or, ii) pretends the existence of antecedents in order to give rise to attenuating effect (Numata1986, Numata2000) Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  20. What does mo presuppose? • The speaker presupposes prior situations e.g., cherry blossoms are blooming, the leaves became green, and the weather became warmer. Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  21. (9) Yo-mo fukete-ki-ta. Mo neru-to shi-yo. night-also pass-ASP-PAST already sleep-COMP do-will `It’s late. I will go to bed' Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  22. (10) Soto-mo hiete-ki-ta. outside-also cold-ASP-PAST `It has become cold outside' Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  23. (11) Ko-no saifu-mo furuku-nat-ta. this-GEN wallet-also old-become-PAST `This wallet has become old’ Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  24. (12) Tabi-mo owari-ni chikazuite-ki-ta. trip-also end-to approach-ASP-PAST `The trip is nearing the end‘ (13) Omae-mo aho-ya-na. you-also silly-be-EXC `You are silly, I should say' Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  25. (14) Yo-mo sue-da. world-also finale-be `This is the end of the world’ Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  26. Mo is a presupposition trigger (15) Mo {Yo-ga fuke-ta `it’s late’} ={It is dark, It is past midnight, The neighbors turned off their lights} (16) Mo {Haru-ga takenawa-ni natta `spring reached its peak'} = {Cherry blossoms are blooming, It became warmer, The daylight has become longer,...} Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  27. (17) Mo {ko-no saifu-ga huruku-nat-ta}= {It has been long since I got this, the wallet looks worn and torn,…} (18) Mo {tabi-ga owari-ni chikazui-ta}= {the train is approaching the destination, …} Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  28. Presuppositions of Mo • When uttering mo-p discourse initially: - Speaker acts as if presupposed preceding events are part of the common ground (cf. Stalnaker 1973, 1974) - Speaker presupposes that the auditor will be able to infer that it is presupposed. Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  29. Presupposition Accommodation • Lewis (1979) If a time t something is said that requires presupposition P to be acceptable, and if P is not presupposed just before t, ceteris paribus and within certain limits- presupposition P comes into existence at t. Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  30. Mo-p triggers presupposition that are propositions similar to p. Eg.,Haru-mo takenawa-ni narimasita`Spring has reached its peak’ presupposes Cherry blossoms are blooming, it became warmer,… Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  31. What does mo quantify over? - Mo quantifies over unspecified events. The presuppositions might differ between the hearer and the speaker. Japanese: cherry blossoms Americans: longer daytime - Mo quantifies over evidences. - Mo quantifies over the near and similar possible worlds. Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  32. Comparative similarity (Lewis 1973) SIMwis a function from propositions to propositions which maps each p to the set of p-worlds similar to w. (19) SIMwp={w’∊p | w’is similar to w no less than any other world in p} (20)≤⊆W×W, for w∊W, u ≤wviff u is more similar to or close to w than v (21) mo-p(w)=1iffu∊p, v∊W s.t. u ≤wv& q(v)=1 Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  33. The addressee supplements the presupposed propositions into his knowledge (presupposition accommodation) Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  34. The hearer has not been (at least fully) aware of the presupposed events until the speaker utters mo-p. • When hearing p, the addressee recognizes the evidence that the bag is torn or the spring has reached its peak. Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  35. Informative Presuppositions (Stalnaker 1988) • Normally, presuppositions are not informative. • However, the presuppositions of mo-p are informative. • Mo-p updates the common ground. The presuppositions of mo-p are added to the hearer’s knowledge. Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  36. Summary on Section 2: Presupposition Accommodation • Mo triggers unspecified presuppositions similar to the asserted proposition • The hearer infers the likely resuppositions. Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  37. 3. Mo is an evidential marker Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  38. Mo is an Evidential Marker • Building on Numata's insight, I claim that this kind of mo is an evidential marker. • (7) is an utterance when speaker and hearer have perceived evidence that spring has reached its peak. [visual] Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  39. (7) Haru-mo takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta spring-also peak-GOAL become-HON-PAST `The spring has reached its peak' (Numata2000: 172) Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  40. What is evidentiality? • Evidentiality: the indication of speaker’s source of information • A true evidential encodes a type of information • Scales: i)Visual>auditory>other sensory>inference from results>reasoning ii) Direct>secondhand>thirdhand>hearsay/ folklore (Faller 2002) Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  41. (9) Yo-mo fukete-ki-ta. Mo neru-to shi-yo. night-also pass-ASP-PAST already sleep-COMP do-will `It’s late. I will go to bed' Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  42. (9) would be uttered after the speaker had a look at a clock. [direct visual evidence] • (9) and (7) are reports based on direct evidence, aimed to draw hearer's attention to time or a season. Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  43. (11) Ko-no saifu-mo huruku-nat-ta. this-GEN wallet-also old-become-PAST `This wallet has become old’ [visual direct evidence] Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  44. (12) Tabi-mo owari-ni chikazuite-ki-ta. trip-mo end-to approach-ASP-PAST `The trip is nearing the end’ [direct nonvisual evidence] (13) Omae-mo aho-ya-na. you-mo silly-be-EXC `You are silly, I should say‘ [direct inferential evidence] Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  45. Then, mo is an evidential marker of direct, mostly visual evidences. Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  46. Evidential markers in Japanese • Aoki (1986) so: hearsay gar: hearsay and inferential form rashi: circumstantial evidence or gathered through sources other than one’s own senses Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  47. Epistemic must • Speaker believes must p based on presently available evidence (cf. Coates 1983, Woisetschlaeger 1985, on epistemic must) (20) believe(speaker, must p) Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  48. Conversational Backgrounds (21) Modal base f (in view of the direct evidences): must p Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  49. 4. Sentimentality Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

  50. Sentimental/Bouletic Modality • Not only being evidential, mo is an expression of sentimental modality. • While (7) demonstrates speaker's uplifted sentiments, most of the evidential mo sentences express speaker's negative emotion. Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

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