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Within household inequalities across classes? Money management and income. Jerome De Henau and Fran Bennett GeNet conference: Gender, class, employment & family City University London 27-28 March 2008. Introduction.
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Within household inequalities across classes? Money management and income Jerome De Henau and Fran Bennett GeNet conference: Gender, class, employment & family City University London27-28 March 2008
Introduction • GeNet project 5: www.genet.ac.uk: Within Household Inequalities and Public Policy • Researchers: Fran Bennett, Sue Himmelweit, Holly Sutherland, Jerome De Henau, Sirin Sung • Not ‘mixed methods’ project, but multi-method, with joint working throughout • Presentation draws on analysis of both qualitative and quantitative data to date
Objectives of the project • The family is a key site of distribution (of resources, time and labour), but is often a ‘black box’ which is not investigated and in which equality is assumed • Aims: • To explore alternative approaches to understanding the behavioural and distributional impact of policy change which take account of gender inequalities in power and influence within the household • To use such approaches to analyse the effects of actual and potential changes in fiscal, social security and associated labour market policies
Outline of the paper • Quantitative research • Money management across class and income • Management vs control across classes • Disagreement over final say in big financial decisions • Qualitative research • Investigating some issues arising from the broad quantitative picture (focus on low/moderate income couples) • Money management patterns • Jointness vs individualism: finance • Management vs control
Background to findings • Recent research: changes in work, family and household economy (leading to more individualism and/or equality?) • Our focus: low/moderate income couples in (mostly) long-standing relationships • Claim that women are now ‘taking control of family finances’ (Norwich and Peterborough Building Society, March 2008), based on analysis of who has final say • Female final say more likely in working class households - is female control more nominal than real? (Vogler et al 08)
Quantitative analysis: aims • Relationship between types of money management and final say in big financial decisions • Explaining unequal and gendered final say • Intra-household characteristics • Comparing 1991-1995 with 2005 • Comparing low income with high income • Explaining conflicting views on final say • Providing a broad picture to feed qualitative analysis
Data and sample • BHPS – comparing waves 1-5 and 15 • Couples of working age with or without children • Data on money management categories and on final say in big financial decisions • Explanatory factors of financial control (final say): • Household income • Educational level • Age • Share of household income • Employment status (women) and Occupation (men) • Gender role attitudes (aggregated indices) • Whether married or not • Money management style • Children
Money management • Type of money management: • Woman looks after all money (except partner’s personal spending money) • Man looks after all money • Woman receives housekeeping allowance • All money is jointly managed (pooled) • Some money is pooled • Complete separate management
Money management (univariate) • Female management associated with • low income (and with high proportion of income from benefits) • low educational level (either partner) • high female share of income (in turn associated with low income) • Male management / housekeeping allowance associated with • Female low education (only 2005) • Woman not in employment • Male high share of income • Partial pooling and separate management associated with • higher income quintiles • higher educational levels (both partners) • female full-time work • no income from benefits • and higher female share of income
Final say in big financial decisions Increase in female control over the period (according to both respondents)
Final say in big financial decisions • Female and joint management increase female control over the period • Gendered unequal association between sole control and sole management • Disagreement over female control if separate/independent management
Multivariate analysis • Check whether management styles still explain some variation in final say across income levels, employment statuses, etc. • Selection of couples who give the same answer on final say • Multinomial logistic regression • Two periods: 91-95 (5068 obs.) and 2005 (1496 obs.)
Results (1) – agreement, two periods • More female say if: • Female share of income>60% (only 2005) • Lowest income quintile (compared with 2/5) (no change) • Female whole wage / pooled female managed (more so in 2005) • Man does not work / or lower occupational status (only 91-95) • More male say if: • Male (and female) share of income>60% (but only 91-95) • Traditional couple (“family suffers if woman works”) (no change) • Larger age difference (m>f) (no change) • Male whole wage / pooled male managed (no change) • More equal say if: • Woman highly educated (more so in 2005) • Older average age (no change) • More variation in factors affecting female say than male say
Results (2) – low vs high income • More female say if: • Female whole wage / pooled female managed (more so for low) • Partial pooling (only high) • Female or male not employed (only low) • More male say if: • Male share of income>60% (more so for high) • Female not employed (only high) • Male whole wage (more so for low) • Note: female whole wage much more associated with female control than male whole wage with male control (esp. low income and 2005)
Results (3) – Disagreements • Apparent symmetry in opposite claims by male respondents, but • Asymmetry in opposite claims by female respondents
Results (3) – Disagreements • Higher income quintiles increase likelihood of agreement (better knowledge? But no impact of education) • Age increase likelihood of disagreement with slightly more tendency to give more say to partner than to self • Disagreement in management system is highly associated with disagreement in final say (especially female/male pooled managed) • Male whole wage also associated with disagreement (more to partner than to self, in 91-95)
Discussion • Determinants of control are asymmetric by gender • Money management and control are highly associated, but difficult to find out what type of control it really is (necessity or discretionary power?) • Some slight evidence that meaning of control differs between income quintiles (inactive women have more say in low income couples, opposite if high income) • Equal say favoured by joint management, higher levels of female education and of income, as well as for older couples (practices or ideology?) • Disagreements on control associated with low income and with disagreement on management and male whole wage ( different understanding or true claims?)
Qualitative research: aims • Overall: uncover within-household processes; identify indicators of intra-household division of power and well-being and suggest possible relationships to test in quantitative research, with view to investigating gendered impact of recent and potential fiscal policy changes • This exercise: to examine money management in low/ moderate income couples, in the light of both recent trends (towards more individualistic practices and ideas of equality) and previous findings (on female management in low-income families not resulting in real control)
Sample • Semi-structured, separate interviews with members of 30 low/moderate income couples • Time-limited sample from BHPS/ECHP (booster), interviewed last for this purpose in 2001 • Heterosexual (white) couples, mostly at least one of working age, who have had child/ren at some point • In England, Wales, Scotland (not N Ireland) • If possible, in receipt of means-tested benefits/tax credits now and/or in past
Money management • Continuity of traditional gendered patterns • Idea of women’s role changed less (Vogler et al 2008) • Men’s income (seen) as family income, male non-interference with woman’s own income: ambiguous implications for women • Separate spheres/gendered spending: joint managing may mean ‘I’m bills, she’s food’ (altered by female salaried jobs?) • Joint vs individual accounts not good indicator of patterns of money management – e.g. 8 couples had no joint account, but their degree of jointness varied (eg couple swapping wages)
Jointness vs individualism: finances • Strong loyalty to mutuality and family unit displayed by sample (running counter to growth of individualism?) • Drivers to jointness are strong in this sample: • low/moderate income (put money together to make it stretch) • children as joint project • couples have stayed together Language about jointness (used by men) – e.g. how decisions are made: ‘I run it through her first’; about wife: is ‘part of me’ • Women in sample were more aware of tensions (e.g. how jointness may limit autonomy) Language about autonomy (used by women) – e.g. ‘never saw myself hand in hand with someone else financially’; ‘anyone listening to me would think we were attached at the hip’
Management vs control • Low income families: literature suggests management day to day is not same as control (power) (e.g. Goode et al 1998) • Poverty and Social Exclusion Millennium Survey: women with control suffer deprivation, but those without control worry • Women’s (constrained) use of agency is relevant to control: • his responsibility (controlling male): she avoids blame • her responsibility: she avoids having to ask (rates autonomy) and/or avoids having to worry (rates control over money) • Some seem to use ‘control’ to describe their management • Some women havecontrolwhen managing by themselves
Indicators of control (1) • Final say on big financial decisions + access to/management of joint accounts + if personal spending has to be justified • Final say: more people said joint; about twice as many said man had final say as said woman did • More couples had different answers than had same answers • Answers depended on e.g.: what item (relative knowledge/ strength of feeling); whether item is affordable/not is a different decision from whether to buy; who has to find money to buy it • But women give men pocket money, buy their clothes for them, use the men’s PINs/cards ...
Indicators of control (2) • Access to joint account: mostly both; 1 only in some couples (usually woman, deals with cash); some women reluctant to draw from it (esp if own children from past relationship?) • Management of joint account: mostly say both manage; if male/female, may be linked to (in)capacity, and/or to management/control? (some couples have no joint account) • Justifying personal spending: mostly both say they don’t; but some do - perhaps especially in more conflicted couples, or with strong female/male control? - but not having to justify can mean 1 person spending more joint money on self and - on these income levels personal spending may be severely limited and/or mostly for others, especially for some women
Issues/questions arising • Different understandings of ‘big financial decisions’ + ‘final say’ (+ personal spending + money management systems)? • All money management systems comprise spectrum of practices, not just independent management/partial pooling • What is control - multi-faceted/process? • What are policy implications of findings? • Separate interviews mean contradictory answers: ‘doing couple’ (Stocks et al (eds) 2007) - investigate using discourse analysis?
Thank you for your attention Any question?