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Positional Faithfulness for weak positions

Positional Faithfulness for weak positions. Paroma Sanyal EFL- University. Positional Constraints. Strong and Weak positions. Positional Faithfulness. Positional Faithfulness is interpreted as positional faithfulness to a strong position

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Positional Faithfulness for weak positions

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  1. Positional Faithfulness for weak positions ParomaSanyal EFL- University

  2. Positional Constraints

  3. Strong and Weak positions

  4. Positional Faithfulness • Positional Faithfulness is interpreted as positional faithfulness to a strong position • Ident-Pos [F]: Segments in position (Pos) in the output sequence for the feature [F] should correspond to segments in position (Pos) for the feature [F] in the input sequence • Ident-Pos [F] >> Ident [F]

  5. Neutralization restricted to weak position Ident [F]/ Str >> *M >> Ident [F]

  6. Positional Augmentation • Positional augmentation is a term coined by Cheryl Zoll to refer to refer to the markedness requirement of licensing more salient segmental material in strong positions. • This markedness when dominating constraint may result in a variety of faithfulness and markedness constraint violations.

  7. Jennifer Smith (2002) σʹ High-sonority peak Zabiče Slovene (Crosswhite 1999); MokshanMordwin (Kenstowicz 1994) Onset Dutch (Booij 1995), Western Arrernte (Strehlow 1942; Davis 1988; Downing 1998) Low-sonority onset Pirahã (Everett & Everett 1984), Niuafo'ou (Tsukamoto 1998; de Lacy 2000, 2001) C [+rel] Supra-laryngeal place Chamicuro (Parker 2001) V: High-sonority YawelmaniYokuts (Newman 1944; Kuroda 1967; Kisseberth 1969; Archangeli 1984) σ1 Onset Arapaho (Salzmann 1956), GuhangIfugao (Newell 1956, Landman 1999) Low-sonority onset Mongolian (Ramsey 1987), Kuman (Lynch 1983; Blevins 1994), Mbabaram (Dixon 1991), Campidanian Sardinian (Bolognesi 1998)

  8. Positional Constraints for weak positions • Interaction of positional reduction or augmentation with another phonological process in a common context. • The “other” process may be phonologically or morphologically motivated. • The logical possibilities as well as natural language data available are complex and many. But….

  9. GuuguYimidhirr Ist σ heavy waaɽigan ‘moon’ waaḏa‘crow’ guuɽumugu ‘meat hawk’ 2ndσ heavy dawaaɽ‘star’ gambuugu ‘head’ ḏamaaɽbina ‘magpie goose’ 1stand 2nd σ heavy buuɾaay‘water’ muuluumul ‘dove’ daaɾaalŋan ‘kangaroo’ ɗiɽaayŋguɽ ‘old man’

  10. Morphological environment • /maŋal-nda/ ma.ŋaal.nda ‘clay’ • /wuluŋguɾ-nda/ wu.luŋ.guɾ.nda ‘lightning’ * wu.luŋ.guuɾ.nda

  11. Bangla • Vowel Harmony • No prominence induced augmentation or reduction • All vowels in all positions! • Initial /a/ resists any alternation • Final /a/ shows up as lexical variation • Initial /i/ shows lexical variation • Final /i/ is without any alternation

  12. Conclusion • Strong and weak positions are not very different from each other in the context morphological and phonological processes • Strong positions prefer augmentation. This might be blocked by dominant faithfulness requirement in the language. • Weak positions prefer reduction. Again this might be blocked by dominant faithfulness requirement in the language. • Additionally strong positions do not prefer to undergo reduction and weak positions resist augmentation

  13. Summarizing

  14. Some more interesting cases • Dutch- Jennifer Smith • Obligatory onset in strong position ONSET/σ’ >> IDENT >> ONSET or IDENT/σ̆ >> ONSET >> IDENT • Shimakonde- Laura J.Downing Stress controlled reduction Vowel harmony

  15. Thanks

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