Pre-Columbian Archaeology of North America

1. Pre-Columbian Archaeology of North America Regional Chronologies: Week 8 – the Southwest

2. General Characteristics Three major ecozones and culture regions: • Key factors are rainfall, temperature, number of frost free days, farmland availability, water sources, floodwater. • Plant categories: wild and domesticated. Domesticated plants appear in the SW by 3500 BP. • Domesticated are genetically altered and dependent, to some extent, on human propagation. • Cultivated are the same genetically as wild, tough planted and cared for by humans. • Agave. • Hohokam Region: Sonoran Desert • advantage- lush desert with wild food plants year around: • spring wild barley, agave (Yucca mohavensis), cholla (Opuntiasp.) buds • summer saguaro (Carnegiea gigantea) fruits • fall and winter mesquite (Prosopis juliflora), acorns, prickly pear (Opuntia). • Cultigens are agave. • Farming of corn, various beans, squash, gourds, supported by large-scale irrigation on flood plains. • Fauna of rabbits and fish, small game. • Mogollon Region: • Mountainous regions (max. elevation 3500 m) • Forests rich in plants but not in human foods • Diverse wild resources are cacti, mesquite, piñon (e.g. Pinus ediuls), mesquite, acorns, but not abundant. • Farming of small patches of arable land by rainfall and floodwater farming. • Mimbres used floodplain irrigation. Weather often not ideal, wet and cool or warm and dry. Population smaller than Pueblo or Hohokam areas. • Pueblo Region • Less diverse wild resources • arable land varies by area with growing season problems in some areas • Farming was by floodwater, rainfall (western region) and irrigation (eastern region in the Rio.

5. Fauna • Herbivores • Mule Deer • Bighorn Sheep (Ovis canidensis) ovce tlustorohá • Jackrabbit (Lepus californicus) zajíc tmavoocasý • rodents • Carnivores • Mountain lions, wolves, coyotes • Raccoons, skunks, badger • Kit fox, gray fox • Birds • Eagles, hawks, owls, raven [krkavec], quail [křepelka], roadrunner [kukačka kalifornská] • Reptiles • Rattlesnakes, tortoises, lizards

7. Southwest (1) • Archaic Period • 8,000 - 1,800 BP. • Altitherm was 7,000 - 4,500 BP. • More regionalism of cultures with diverse projectile point traditions, side-notched, corner-notched, and barbed points, evidence varying hunting strategies. • Broad spectrum adaptation to small game and plant resources, especially rabbits and seeds. • Technology includes digging sticks, serrated stone, ground stones, manos and metates, storage baskets. • Yields fruit 3k - 9k cal/hr, nuts 1k - 2k cal/hr, seeds 200 - 600 cal/hr. • Tome and space scheduling requires intense knowledge of landscape. • Residential and logistical mobility. • Early domestication of plants evidence in SW: • Tornillo 3225 BP, Mogollon Desert in SW NM • Bat Cave 3441 BP, West NM • Three Fir Shelter 3040 BP, Colorado Plateau • Milagro 2780 BP, Sonoran Desert near Tucson associated with pithouses. Early domesticates spread quickly. • Late Archaic (1500 - 200 BC) had corn, gourds and squash, associated with pithouses. • Earliest sedentary farmers are in the Sonoran Desert. • Slow change to sedentism is attributed to cultural evolution and genetic evolution. • Later development divided into three distinct culture regions • Anasazi • Mogollon/Mimbres • Hohokam

8. Southwest (2) • Basketmaker II • 2200 - 1500 BP • Most models that attempt to explain the cultural innovations of BMII assume in situ adoption of agriculture by late Archaic populations. • Many lines of evidence show BMII dependence on corn agriculture: • Burned and unburned corn recovered from trash middens, storage pits, burials • Corn found in dessicated human feces (coprolites) • Locations of BMII sites (unlike Archaic sites) often in areas of good, deep soils or near washes where cultivation could have taken place • Carbon isotope ratios of BMII human bones are different from these ratios in the bones of Archaic populations, in a way that indicates a BMII diet rich in corn. • Pithousesassociated with residential seasonal mobility, multi-year use. • Wide variability, including large, deep forms and shallow, basin-shaped forms. • Foundations are made of a wide variety of materials, cribbed logs and rock. Walls are not often preserved, but these were made of poles and brush, jacal, and stacked logs. • BMII pithouses are circular to oval in shape, with entryways facing to the south or east. Firepits are often in the center of the house. • Some houses were placed in rock shelters, but most were constructed out in the open. • Subterranean storage cists (for corn, piñon nuts, and other foods), often lined with slabs, but sometimes simply dug below the ground in the shape of a jug or bell. • Generally speaking, no ceramics • Atlatl and throwing spear (dart), no bow-and-arrow. (The atlatl/throwing spear combination was also found in the Archaic, in BMIII, and in later Pueblo times, but in BMII it was the main form of weapon/hunting tool). • Multi-year middens, more burials than during Archaic

9. Southwest (3) • Basketmaker III • 1500 - 1200 BP • BMIII is a continuation and elaboration of the BMII adaptation. During BMIII, there appear a number of cultural innovations, but many of the ways of BMII also continue. • There is good evidence that population has increased by BMIII, and that villages have become larger. There are many more BMIII sites than BMII sites, and they are spread over a wider area. • At some BMIII sites, one or a few exceptionally large pit structures are found. These are interpreted as some form of communal gathering place, perhaps the earliest expression of a great kiva. • These structures suggest that BMIII societies were socially integrated at a level not seen in BMII, i.e., there was some form of intra- or even inter-village cooperation regarding important decisions and ceremonies. • Beans and pottery • Beans (lysine) = complete protein. Pottery used to cook beans = maximized caloric return. • Pottery = less mobility • Turkeys being raised for meat and feathers • Bow and arrow, smaller points indicate new adaptations. • More storage pits and cists • Pithouses more substantial and “great kivas” appear. • Many BMIII pithouses have large alcoves or vestibules; raised ridges in the floor dividing the house into sections; slabs lining the walls of the pithouse; and a large hearth in the center of the pithouse.

10. Southwest (4) • Comparing BMIIIsites: • Shabik’eshchee had a communal economy • Dendrochronology: construction begins c. 1450 BP, continuing to c. 1200 BP • 70 small, standardized pit houses with small antechambers suitable for two persons • 47 cists, few storage pits in houses • large subterranean circular structure “great kiva” • storage and caching visible to community • burials outside pithouses. • Maximum population may have been as high as 77 people (avg. for BMIII is 15) • The SU site had a household based economy: • 35 large, variably sized, larger antechambered pit houses • one large pithouse • storage inside homes and less visible • diverse burials.

11. Southwest (5) • Pueblo I (PI-III: Anasazi) • 1300 - 1100 BP • The transition from BMIII to PI is not abrupt, nor does it involve an influx of new people • Changes from BMIII to PI are thus gradual and evolutionary, though when we compare overall trends from the two time periods, many differences can be seen. • Cranial deformation associated with the introduction of a new type of cradle board • Year round occupation in pueblos with above ground rooms, some pit houses, pit structures have some ritual features • Typical site a double row of rooms fronted by pit structures • Winter use of pits. Structures are warm and cold adapted. • Living rooms have storage rooms attached. • Toward the end of PI, the above-ground architectural form shifts from insubstantial jacal structures to rectangular masonry rooms. These are often arranged end-to-end in "blocks" of rooms. There is evidence (hearths and other floor features, as well as artifacts found on the floors) that such room blocks were used for a combination of habitation, storage, and special activities such as food preparation and manufacture of crafts. • Household based economies and less sharing. • Field houses indicate claim to land areas. • Plant remains support continuous, year round occupation. • First corrugated and black-on-white pottery appears (probably by about 1200 BP), along with black-on-red styles • There is evolution of designs from the crude an sparse designs of BMIII pottery (which often resemble the designs woven into BMIII baskets), to more elaborate and widely distributed styles of painted decoration which do not match basketry designs • clearly pottery has emerged by PI as an important medium for new symbolic expressions • The corrugated pottery usually consists of thick corrugations confined to the neck of the pot.

12. Southwest (6) • In a few places, large villages arise during PI, which exceed the size of the largest BMIII villages and reflect different and probably more complex forms of social organization. • Many of these villages involve multiple units of linear, arc-shaped, or U-shaped rows of masonry rooms, with doorways facing an open area containing one or more kivas. • In the larger villages, there are one or a few exceptionally large, circular structures that can be considered as great kivas. • In some cases, it appears that these great kivas did not have roofs, and were large, open-air gathering places. • McPhee village • 21 room blocks and a remote kiva. • 1200 BP: 2 great kivas 22.5 m in diameter. • 1160-1100 BP: oversized pit structures - 5 m - central in room blocks with elaborate sipapus and footdrums. • Circa 1100 BP: abandonment with pit structures burned, burying bodies in the floor. • Grand Mesa Village • 40 households (120+ people) lived there at the peak of occupation • Evidence of other, larger villages in the area • Because of the limited amount of non-agricultural food resources in these areas, some have proposed that large villages formed during climatic conditions that fostered consecutive years of adequate agricultural production. • The dendroclimatic evidence (evidence of yearly rainfall values based on tree rings) did not indicate that such aggregations took place during years that might have produced agricultural surplus. • Instead, it appears that aggregations took place during times when there were no severe droughts that would have forced people to disperse and move to more favorable agricultural locations. • The abandonmentof these PI villages does seem to have been correlated with periods of drought, implying that the social organizations that were formed during the good times (agriculturally speaking) were relatively fragile, and the social bonds were relatively easily broken. • As with the BMIII villages, there is no good evidence for "elite" leaders with substantial political power • Again, in spite of the fact that there were intra- or inter-village ceremonial organizations (reflected in the great kivas), the religious and political power may have been dispersed among a number of individuals and households, and social organization was relatively egalitarian. • There is much evidence that the room blocks surrounding the kivas were used for "potluck" feasting, wherein large quantities of food were prepared and eaten on a periodic basis. • This evidence may indicate something about periodic ceremonial events involving large numbers of people congregating at the great kivas.

13. Southwest (7) • Pueblo II • 1100 - 900 BP (900-1100 AD). • Dominated by Chaco Canyon. • First large scale stone ruins in the US. • Chaco Era 850 - 1150. • Chaco sequence begins around 850 at confluence of drainages with good access to water and agriculture sites. • 1000 - 1100 major population growth, Chaco considered a major regional center by 1050. • 1075 - 1115 major construction peak. • 1088-1092 Beams brought from 50 miles distance. • 1100's experience environmental changes. • 1130 - 1180 was a period of reduced rainfall. • Around 1140 to 1150 Chaco became depopulated. Aztec Ruin takes place of Chaco. • Chaco population estimated at 1500 - 5000. • Given room with hearth is a habitation = six people, therefore 1500 - 2000 people. • Given a room suite = six people 1500 - 2000 • With Pueblo Bonito at only 150 residents. • Lots of non-habitation architecture, with a chain of storage rooms at Pueblo Bonito, and rooms deep within structure. • Pottery • Further elaboration of black-on-white, black-on-red, and gray ware pottery. • Toward the end of PII, the first “polychrome” ceramics appear, painted in red, orange, and black designs. • Black-on-white ceramic styles are very widespread and generally similar across vast areas, with some minor local variation. • During PII, there is evolution of the gray ware “corrugated” pottery. Early in PII, the common form of corrugation is neck banding, similar to the style of PI. However, through time the neck bands become smaller and more elaborate, with the corrugations often finely pinched with the fingers to make small, scalloped designs. • In middle to late PII, the pottery becomes corrugated all over, sometimes with very deeply and finely pinched corrugations. • After the mid-1000s, many of the black-on-white and black-on-red pottery styles across a broad area of the northern Southwest show some influence from designs originating from Chaco Canyon.

14. Southwest (8) • Architecture: • Room average is 44 tons of sandstone, • 50 million pieces in Chetro Ketl. • To construct all the great houses 200,000 trees were used. • Pueblo Bonito had 4-5 stories and 600 or more rooms. • Over engineering meant easy upkeep, inference of cultural importance. • Estimate of a stage of construction was 30 people x 2 - 4 months a year for 10 years. Great houses built in stages. • Chaco kivas can be above ground and surrounded by rectangular walls. • Great kivas are 15 - 20 meters in diameter. Casa Rinconada 63 feet. • Pueblo Alto is one story 85 rooms with a big plaza. • 1020 - 1060 construction, maintained until 1100. • Big room suites are not heavily worn and have a kiva. • Trash midden is 2400 m3 with 150,000 pots, evidencing feasting. • Status is evidenced at Chaco. • A few burials are very rich, elaborate and early in the sequence. • Little evidence of private wealth and residential evidence is of equality. • Chaco health is better than at small sites. • Acquired status likelier than stratification of the society. • The Chaco System • Chaco regional system of about 100 sites in an area of 100,000 km2. • Outliers have some Chacoan characteristics: multistory structures (great houses) great kivas, raised, enclosed kivas. • Roads estimate is 2400 km.+ symbolic link roads point to Chaco. • Imports to Chaco are pottery, 50% in 1000's and 95% in 1120. • Shell, turquoise and deer imported. • Processed turquoise exported. • Chacoan outlier/great houses identified: Dating from A.D. 900 – 1115 • Architecture: • Unprecedented and unequaled massive size and planning, period specific horizontally aligned, carefully coursed masonry patterns, walls stronger than at other Anasazi structures, overengineering, advanced architectural planning, large scale and grand design is unique • Buildings are taller, walls are thicker, stone pattern more intricate, rooms larger than typical Anasazi constructs. Many storage rooms in the Chaco Canyon great houses. Outliers have multi-story structures. Great kivas or raised enclosed kivas, kivas in great houses above ground and enclosed in surrounding rectangular walls. Cribbed roofs laid on bench • Roads are carefully engineered and flanked by berms of adobe, stone or earth, often connecting the great houses. • Pottery: Cylinder vessels found exclusively at Chaco great houses, black on white painted vessel. • Turquoise trade in evidence, processed turquoise items.

15. Southwest (9) • Organization. • Chaco Canyon is seen as a center for the regional system. • The number of storage rooms may have been for redistribution purposes. • The sites with outlier great houses are seen as part of the regional system. These populations utilized the canyon sites for gatherings. • The center may also have served as a trade center. Roads often connected the sites. • The region was tied together around Chaco Canyon. With Chaco Canyon acting as a ritual center and trade center. • The low number of residents in Chaco Canyon would indicate that the visitors to the canyon came from the outliers. • Social organization during PII is not well understood particularly with respect to the Chaco system. • Was Chaco a mighty empire with the ability to coerce and control outlying populations, or was it a great religious and ceremonial system that was a place of pilgrimage? • The debate has convincing arguments on both sides. • David Wilcox has argued in various publications that the Chacoans were able to send out relatively small but well-trained and fearsome groups of armed men to control outlying populations and demand "tribute" (gifts of food and other valuable items) for consumption or use by elites living in the Canyon Great Houses and in the outlying Great Houses. • Others (Steve Lekson, John Stein) have argued that Chaco may have been a great ceremonial/religious center, where pilgrims came to participate in feasting and ceremonies. It is interesting to note that some of the features of Chaco Canyon (arc-shaped room blocks, great kivas, evidence for mass consumption of food) were also present in PI sites (see above). • Was the Chaco system then the driving intellectual, philosophical, and religious force of the 900s through early 1100s, or did it merely reflect and reinforce ancient concepts and principles of the Anasazi?

16. Southwest (10) • Pueblo III • 1100 - 1300 AD • Mesa Verde (4-Corners, San Juan) Region. • 1888 Richard Wetherill finds Cliff Palace, 200 rooms, 8 kivas and 8 levels, turkey pens • Mesa Verde had largest aggregation in SW after 1150. • Mesa Verde Sequence: Mesa top habitation on Chapin and Wetherill Mesas. • 36 sites with 200 - 400 people AD 1000 - 1200. • Tower construction. • Mummy Lake Reservoir held 500,000 gallons. • 1200 AD shift to canyon occupation with greater aggregations. • Fewkes Canyon had 33 sites with 530 rooms, 600 - 800 people • Sun Temple, Cliff Palace and Spruce Tree House built. • Sun Temple has bi-walled construction. • Montezuma Valley: • 10,000 - 30,000 people doing Mesa Top dryland farming. • 1000 - 1150 population dispersed. • 1200 population aggregated into 8+ towns, some with history and some new. • Important communities established by 1000 with community stability and mobile people. • Pre-1150 household occupations 15 - 25 years • post 1150 - 1250 25 - 50 years. • Evidence of conflict onset around 1200, upon aggregation into towns. • Standardized ceramic complex in the region with no imports. • There is continued elaboration of ceramic production, with regional ceramic design styles arising that are quite distinctive. • In many areas, it is clear that there is ceramic specialization, with a few artisans producing pots for export. • There is a tendency for the gray corrugated pottery to decline in quality, but other forms, especially the black-on-whitetypes, achieve their finest expression. • Toward the end of the PIII period, there appear polychrome pots pained in orange, red, black, and white. These form the basis for many of the later PIV polychrome pottery traditions. • Isolation from the remainder of the SW • No imports in evidence by 1300.

17. Southwest (11) • Sand Canyon Pueblo: 1250 - 1280, canyon rim site, • east side residential and west side with kivas, unit pueblos, low encircling wall, use of boundary marking stones. • Mesa Verde Region Abandonment Process. • 10,000 - 30,000 people leave the region • People moved to the Rio Grande and Little Colorado River areas. • By 1200 more concentration into central Mesa Verde region with abandonment of small sites as people aggregated in towns. • At Sand Canyon orderly abandonment evidenced. • Units of movement parallel unit construction. • Trash filled units indicate process over several years. • Some units burned with contents, kivas burned. • Abandonment causes. • Migration is a normal event for SW populations. • Great Drought from 1276 - 1299. • 1275 tree ring dates, complete abandonment by 1300. • Not the first drought event in the SW. • Carrying capacity of the land. • People were in circumscribed areas. • No evidence of invading outsiders. • Evidence of intra-regional conflict with some people getting killed at some sites. • Attraction of the riverine sites. • Irrigation terraces on the Little Colorado, reliable irrigation on the Rio Grande.

18. Southwest (12) • Pueblo IV • Post-1300 AD • Pan SW processes and styles. • Hohokam (see below) and Pueblo distinction is blurred. • Larger sites and clusters of sites with open regions between clusters. • Plazas incorporated into pueblos with fewer kivas. • Pueblo III had six rooms per kiva, Pueblo IV has 50:1 ratio and end of unit pueblos. • Cotton is grown as a commodity. • Conflict is evidenced. • West pueblos are matrilineal descent groups with ritual societies that cross-cut descent groups, absence of architectural boundaries. • Katsina iconography (Fourmile Style) appears. • Southwest regional iconography on pottery, rock art and kiva murals; flowers, butterflies, serpents, parrots, masks. • Homol'ovi pueblos • Little Colorado River near Winslow. • 1276 river entrenched freeing 5,000 ha of terraces. • In migration, no katsinas, cotton growing, little local pottery • Homol'ovi III linear constructions • 40 rooms, 2 rectangular kivas, sandstone/adobe, • Tusayan pottery. • Homol'ovi IV terrace-like and masonry construction • 150 - 200 small rooms • White Mountain and Cibola pottery. • 1300 AD river rises again and Homol'ovi III and Homol'ovi IV abandoned. • Aggregation and mixing in the new Homol'ovi I and Homol'ovi II pueblos, with much larger, plaza-oriented sites, katsina iconography, lots of cotton, Jeddito Yellow Pottery, Fourmile Style, shrines, field houses and territoriality marking. • 1400 abandonment and move to Hopi villages.

19. Southwest (13) • Mogollon • Distinguishing features include coiled and scraped pottery. • Round, then square, pithouses with ramp entry. • Ceremonial structures lack sipapus. • Mogollon Sequence: • Early Pithouse: 200 - 550 AD. • High ground, lots of wild foods. • Pottery: brown, then red slip, then painted. • Late Pithouse: 550 - 1000 AD. • Large sites near flood plains, more farming. • Pottery: white slip, eventually B/W. • Classic: 1000 - 1130/50 AD. pueblos and irrigation. • Pottery: elaborate B/W, naturalistic and abstract designs. • Classic Period was one of intensive farming of corn, beans and squash, water control features, bordered fields with ditches and terracess, low tech and labor intensive. • Mimbres area in 1100 AD had lots of riparian species and mesquite, and by 1150 mostly bushy plants. Trees had been cut. • Villages of 50 - 200 rooms and field houses. Continuous occupation for hundreds of years. • Clusters of rooms gradually expanded as population grows. Environmental degradation corresponds to growth. • Organization: no apparent plan to villages, no hierarchy evidence, homo`eneous architecture, rules of painting pottery. • By 1150 the villages had been abandoned. Movement is an important aspect of desert adaptation. Residential stability results in local environment degradation. Non-sustainable. • Postclassic: 1150 - 1250. • Reorganization in Rio Grande drainages. • Continuity evidence is remodeling and additions, ceramics - classic Mimbres pots in use, radiocarbon dating is flat. • Also new social relationships in evidence: new pots, new ceramic ware types, up to 8 vs. one. • New technology added to plainware evidences some immigrations.

20. Southwest (14) • Comparison and contrast of the Mimbres Classic and Postclassic occupations. • Pottery Classic; 1000-1150, elaborate black on white, naturalistic and abstract pattern, homogeneous style with apparent rules of painting. Iconographic conventions include many rabbits, sheep, copulation, unusual animals, humans, masks, mesoamerican themes and plumed serpents. • Postclassic; 1150 -1250, Classic Mimbres pots in use in Postclassic. Mimbres iconography discontinued. New technology added to plainware. A diverse variety of pottery types associated with different areas of the Southwest at Postclassic hamlets. Classic Mimbres iconography is continued after 1150. Reserve-Tularosa technological style imported. • Interpretation of the evidence: Ideology of conformity during the Classic. • New technology indicates influx of some new people. • Regional interaction increased post 1150 with greater social interaction and movement of people. • Settlement patterns • Interpretation of the evidence: • Classic; clustering of rooms indicates gradual expansion of population. no evidence of hierarchy, residential stability, residential stability was a non-sustainable subsistence pattern. • Postclassic; remodeling of field houses indicates continuity, Flat radiocarbon date indicate continuity. • Agricultural practices • Classic; irrigation systems were in use, water control features, bordered fields with ditched and terraces, low tech and labor intensive, intense farming of corn and beans. • Postclassic; All hearths had cultigens, change from large scale irrigation systems to dispersed. Interpretation of the evidence: There was a degradation of the environment from long and continuous use. Cultigen evidence indicates same manner of subsistence, with change in areas farmed. • General interpretation: Mimbres classical abandonment was actually a reorganization. Community and regional relations were redefined at a broader and less restrictive level. • Mimbres Classic period was marked by aggregated villages with several hundred inhabitants. • Postclassic saw population disbursement to small hamlets. • A breakdown in social structure, and land degradation could be reasons for abandonment of Classic villages. • Classic period pottery has distinct and ubiquitous iconography. • Iconography does not appear in Postclassic contexts. • Therefore, social control/organization does not appear to exist, or weakens considerably, after 1150. • There is a high ubiquity of cultigens in Mimbres Classic period hearths. There are cultigens found in 100% of all Post-classic hearths studied • Therefore, it would seem that Postclassic Mimbres are still cultivating at least as much as the Classic Mimbres.

21. Southwest (15) • Discussion: Ways in which the focus, or scale of observation, affect our understanding of prehistoric ‘abandonmenst’ with reference to the Mimbres and Mesa Verde ‘abandonments.’ • Focusing only on a small area may give the impression that a region has been abandoned. The Mimbres valley may have been abandoned, but the Mimbres region evidences continuity of occupation. • In this case a regional view is adequate to assess what really occurred. • In the case of the Mesa Verde abandonment a much wider view is needed. The Mesa Verde populations did abandon the region and moved to the Rio Grande Valley, a movement of greater distance than the Mimbres. • The Mesa Verde movement can be called an abandonment, the Mimbres is best viewed as a regional reorganization. A camera viewfinder is an excellent analogy because a number of push and pull factors may lead a population away from an area that they had historically occupied. In the camera example, a narrow focus of the camera would indicate that the area was abandoned and the inhabitants disappeared, when in fact they had just moved out of the view of the camera. In the case of the Mimbres, the population did not abandon the region, signaling the end of the Mimbres culture. Rather they disbursed to smaller hamlets to the east. If we do not expand our scale of observation it would be easy to assume that they had disappeared. The scale of observation needs to be larger for the Mesa Verde region. Its inhabitants moved all the way to the Rio Grande Valley 200 miles distant. • The following commentary on this document regarding the Mimbres material was provided by Dr. Harry J. Shafer of the Department of Anthropology at Texas A&M University: • Mimbre architecture: There are at least six different functional types of rooms, and the occurrence of these functional types depends on the size of the social group, and whether it is an extended family or corporate group.  Features in rooms and the way they articulate with other rooms defines the room type.  There is a great deal of variability in the use of building materials, depending on the location relative to the kind of available stone, and when the room was constructed. Great kivas during the pithouse-pueblo transition (A.D. 900-1000) had sipapus, and Classic corporate kivas had rectangular floor vaults placed next to the hearth. • Mimbres mortuary practices:  Intramural burials, which account for 85% of all Classic period burials, were lineage cemteries placed beneath certain types of rooms.  Extramural burials included inhumations (10%) and cremations (5%). • Mimbres pottery: Style III painted pottery ceased to be produced probably before A.D.1150.   Arguments for continued use after 1150, are based on radiocarbon dates.  A microstylistic sequence worked out for Style III based on tree-ring dates indicates the rules of design began to break down after A.D. 1100.  Style II and III were but one of a number of material correlates that relate to the organization of Mimbres society involved in irrigation agriculture.  When the system broke down after A.D. 1130, the pottery ceased to be made but heirloom vessels may have been used up to mid century.

22. Southwest (16) • Hohokam • The Hohokam are multi-lingual and multi-ethnic • Ancestoral to O'odham and Yumans. • 1400's population was 40,000 to 80,000. • Spanish contact population was 5,000. • Area is from Gulf of California to Flagstaff, core area was Gila-Salt confluence and adjacent valley areas. • Traits: • Rancherias (houses in pits) • Irrigation agriculture with large scale canals • Red on bluff, paddle and anvil pottery • Naturalistic figures in the designs • Cremation • Links to Mesoamerica as evidenced by ballcourtsand platform mounds, social hierarchy. • Chronology: • Origins show continuity from the Archaic or earlier • Dating difficult due to lack of dendrochronology, before 1980 less than 120 dates, now thousands. • Preclassic: Pioneer – 2300 - 1500 BP (300 BC - AD 500) • Colonial -- 500 – 875 AD. • Sedentary -- 875 - 1100/1150 AD. • Classic: 1150 – 1450 AD. • Subsistence • Flowing rivers and Sonoran abundance. • Farming included floodplain, ak-chin, dry terraces, canals. • Canal irrigation by the end of the Pioneer period included the main canals and laterals totaling 900+ km, farming more than 10,000 ha. • Canals were up to 15 – 25 m wide. • Method is risky, expensive and highly productive, and requires organization of labor. • Silting evidenced at La Ciudad. • Soils salinization evidenced. • Floods damaged the system. • Disease vectors increase.

23. Southwest (17) • Architecture • Pit houses had risers in early Pioneer period, evidencing in-house storage. • Risers decline with advent of courtyard groups. • Courtyard groups occupied 40 - 100 years. • Ballcourt from Tucson area to Flagstaff, with 225 ballcourts at 160 larger sites. Oval, elliptical in form with berms. • Trade • Regional exchange network larger than ballcourt area. • Gulf of California shell homogeneous distribution • Copper bells and exotic stone from Mexico • Obsidian from Gila Bend area • Forest products and stone from the north. • Valley had a surplus of agricultural product. • Temporal Changes • Adobe compounds replace pit houses during Classic. • Hohokam redware changes from Gila Red (to 1300) to Salt Red evidencing change in exchange. • During the Classic platform mounds replace ballcourts and are concentrated. • One mound replaces several ballcourts, indication of social reorganization. • 1250 AD residences atop mounds. • 1300 Salado polychromes imported and increase of activity in the Tonto Basin. • Inhumation increases. • New iconography. • Canals and Social Organization • Canals require headgates, specific gradients, cannot cross waterways. • Management is necessary. • Hohokam system increased in complexity over time. • No evidence of violence indicates social stability. • Largest sites at the headwater of the canal. • Often one major platform mound near the headwater of the canal. • The larger upstream canals lasted longer. • Steeper gradients in the Classic may indicate water competition.

24. Southwest (18) • Hierarchy • Greatest evidence of hierarchy in the SW. • Few Great Houses and limited number of mounds indicates regional organization. • Special houses and goods found atop mounds. • Walled compounds around mounds and Great Houses. • More adobe compounds near mounds with courtyard groups ion mound periphery. • Comparison: Pre-Classic Hohokam ballcourts and Classic platform mounds. • 225 ballcourts at 160 of the largest sites, 40% in the Phoenix basin (compared to thousands of Hohokam sites) • Ballcourts are oval or elliptical form depressions surrounded by berms. • Ballcourts were dispersed across the Hohokam regional system • Ballcourts were accessible to the entire community • Platform mounds are concentrated, within 60 miles of Snaketown (Lower Gila River), there are fewer mounds than ballcourts. • Mounds are built of solid fill with stone or adobe exterior retaining walls • Mounds had rooms built on them after 1250 • Mounds had courtyards and enclosure walls. These may have served to limit access. • Similarities: Both ballcourts and platform mounds were ceremonial in nature, both were constructed as public works; both mounds and ballcourts acted as unifying elements within the culture; both probably facilitated trade. Exchange and interaction is similar and continued from the pre-classic to the classic period • Differences: Residences were built on platform mounds; ballcourts were built throughout Hohokam regional system, while platform mounds were concentrated in Phoenix, Salt River, Gila River and southern Arizona. Ballcourts were accessible to everyone, but the mounds were occupied by only a few individuals. Mounds more labor intensive to construct • Mounds seemed to service village clusters, while ballcourts were distributed in most villages. Ballcourts were phased out and platform mounds became more prevalent. Society moving toward greater complexity. • Centralized powerful leadership emerged • Interpretation: The mounds and ballcourts are interpreted as indicating a shared cosmology and ritual pattern. • Different communities gathered together at ballcourts and at platform mounds, with more centralization at the later. The scale of social, political and ritual organization shifted to larger units with a hierarchy. The society evolved from simple to more complex. The mounds and ballcourts were constructed as public works; both mounds and ballcourts acted as unifying elements within the culture; both probably facilitated trade; ballcourts were accessible to everyone, but the mounds were occupied by only a few individuals; ballcourts were phased out and platform mounds became more prevalent; society moving toward complexity and a centralized powerful leadership emerged

25. Pit house • Almost all of these pithouses consisted of a large living room and a smaller antechamber. Using stone and wooden tools, the people dug a rounded or oblong-shaped depression several feet into the ground. Usually there was a low bench surrounding the floor area with four timbers placed in holes in each corner to support a roof framework. Timbers were placed across the tops of the four posts with smaller logs, sticks, juniper bark, and mud to cover the framework to make it weatherproof. • The larger room, used as sleeping quarters and a general work area, was divided into two sections by a low wall extending toward the firepit. Utensils and other implements for food preparation are often found behind this low wall, and the antechamber was probably a large storage area. Entrance to the pithouse was by means of a ladder through an opening in the roof above the centrally located firepit.

26. Corrugated Ware • Chaco Canyon. Coolidge corrugated pitcher made in Pueblo I-II period (American Museum of Natural History, New York). • 13 cm.

27. Chaco Canyon • Map shows the core Chaco Canyon region

28. Chaco Ceramics • Chaco black-on-white ceramic pots • Typical geometric design elements • Upper: R: Chaco A.D. 1050-1125; L: Chaco-McElmo A.D. 1075-1125 • Lower: Anasazi black-on-white pitchers

29. Chaco Canyon:Pueblo Bonito • Pueblo Bonito is the largest ancient dwelling at Chaco Canyon, and in fact the largest known Anasazi dwelling. • The South wall (running vertically along the right of the photograph) is nearly 175 meters long. • Pueblo Bonito grew through four major construction phases, starting in the early tenth century with a semicircular row of rooms (coinciding roughly with the left curved outer portion of the building), culminating in 1120 with over 650 rooms and an estimated resident population of 400-1000.

30. Chaco Canyon: Pueblo Alto • Reconstruction • Located about 3500 feet north of Pueblo Bonito, Pueblo Alto is the highest village at Chaco Canyon, and may have been a place of communication into what is now Mexico via fire signals. There is one possible tower kiva, but otherwise the entire village is single storey construction. • The village's 110 rooms and eleven kivas were constructed between 1020 AD and 1140 AD. It was abandoned ten years later. • Seven prehistoric roads radiated outwards from Pueblo Alto. It is a place were turquoise was processed for ritual objects. The source of the turquoise used here was near present-day Cerillos, south of Santa Fe.

31. Mesa Verde (1) • Cliff Palace, in Mesa Verde National Park, was built around 1200 A.D.  The large pueblo contains more than 200 small rooms plus kivas.  Some of the construction is four storied.

32. Mesa Verde (2) • The three story buildings extend to the ceiling.  This third largest cliff dwelling on Mesa Verde has 114 rooms and eight kivas nestled in a 66 by 27 meter cave.

33. Mesa Verde (3) • Spruce Tree House • Located in large, natural rock shelter in Mesa Verde region

34. Mesa Verde (3) • Square Tower House • Originally there were 80 rooms and seven kivas.  Two kivas retain portions of their roofs.

35. Mesa Verde (4) • Sun Temple is located across the canyon from Cliff Palace.  It consists of a double-walled structure surrounding two kivas.  The kivas may have been towers.

36. Mesa Verde (6) • Mesa Verde black-on-white bowls (Crow Canyon Archaeological Center). • These were a common article of trade in the region in ca. 1180-1300.

37. Mesa Verde (7) • Chaco Canyon. Wingate black-on-red three-lobed jar with mask motif (American Museum of Natural History, New York). 15 cm.

38. Tusayan Polychrome • Bowl • 26.67 cm diameter • Tusayan B Polychrome

39. Homolovi

40. Mogollon: Early Pit House architecture • Early Mimbres architecture consisted of subterranean pithouses. • The walls of these structures were made of soil, upon which plaster was applied. • The pithouse was entered through the roof, then later by an inclined entrance from the surface. • Later pithouses were constructed of rubble masonry and were semi-subterranean.

41. Mogollon: Early Pit House Ceramics • The San Francisco Red pottery type is characterized by a deep red slip applied to the interiors of bowls and the exteriors of jars. • This pottery is highly polished and has an extremely smooth surface. • The red slip is made from hematite added to a clay suspension in water.

42. Mogollon: Late Pit House architecture • During the Late Pithouse period two distinct phases of pithouse architecture can be determined. • From AD 550 to 650 (Georgetown Phase) pithouses were round with simple hearths and no internal divisions. Large wooden posts supported the roofs. The structures were systematically cleaned out before they were abandoned. • From AD 900 to 1000 (Late Three Circle Phase) pithouses changed from circular to rectangular in shape and the walls were constructed of masonry one meter above the ground surface. Hearths became more elaborate and also became rectangular rather than circular, and small holes constructed in the roof allowed smoke from the hearth to escape. These pithouses were burned before they were abandoned. • Pueblo room blocks appeared after AD 1000 as a response to the increase in population and agricultural intensification in the Mimbres Valley.

43. Mogollon: Late Pit House Ceramics (1) • Black-on-white style I, or Boldface Black-on-white, pottery type was made from AD 750 until AD 900. It is characterized by a thin, chalky, white slip applied to the interiors of bowls and the exteriors of jars. The paint is black although sometimes it is red due to misfiring. The painted designs extend to the rim and are executed in thick lines. The designs consist of large scrolls, wavy-line hatchure, a three-pronged F, and rare, crude naturalistic designs. • The Black-on-white style II, or Transitional Black-on-white, pottery type was made from AD 900 until AD 1020. It is characterized by a thin, chalky, white slip applied to the interiors of bowls and the exteriors of jars. Early designs extended to the rim but later designs stop short of the rim when rim bands develop. The designs were more complex and there were varied motifs. Designs included linear and curvilinear designs, straight-line hatchuring bounded by thick bordering lines, thick-line interlocking scrolls, and some naturalistic designs.

44. Mogollon: Late Pit House Ceramics (2) • The Black-on-white style II/III pottery type was made from AD 970 until AD 1020. This style bridges the Black-on-white styles II and III. It is characterized by the development of the use of multiple, fine framing lines, finer linework, and more careful execution of the designs. Geometric and figurative images were begun to be painted in negative form.

45. Mogollon: Classic/Post-Classic architecture • The Classic Mimbres period dates from AD 1000 to 1140. Masonry-walled pueblos were built over Late Pithouse period pithouses. These pueblos consisted of living rooms, storage rooms, and civic-ceremonial rooms. There was a major increase in the population due to irrigation agriculture and more intensive and extensive exploitation of the environment. • ThePostclassic Mimbres period dates from AD 1140 to 1450 and is divided into two phases. The Black Mountain Phase dates from AD 1140 to 1300. During this phase the population moved towards the south. There was no building of ceremonial architecture (kivas) and the pottery was either local utilitarian or non-local painted ware. The Cliff Phase dates from AD 1300 to 1450 and is characterized by adobe architecture

46. Mogollon: Classic period ceramics • The Black-on-white style III, or Classic Mimbres Black-on-white, pottery type was made from AD 1010 until AD 1130. It is characterized by a thin, chalky, white slip applied to the interiors of bowls and the exteriors of jars. Framing line bands, or rim bands, were almost universal and often multiple bands present. Geometric and naturalistic designs were painted on the pottery. Designs included thin line hatchure bordered by thin lines, and wide and narrow concentric bands • The Polychrome style III pottery type was similar to Black-on-white style III with the exception of the use of a third color, ranging from tan to yellow, in place of fine-line hatchure or as filler in a naturalistic element.

47. Hohokam: Ballcourts

49. Hohokam: Pueblo Grande Mound • The platform mound at Pueblo Grande is one of the largest the Hohokam ever constructed. Like the northwest ballcourt, it is oriented in a general north-south direction and measures 49 by 90 m, approximately the size of a modern-day football field. At its greatest height, the mound stood 7.5 to 9 m high. Surrounding the entire mound, a 2 m high and 1 m wide (1 m) compound wall restricted access to all but a selected group of individuals.

50. Hohokam Ceramics • The Hohokam adopted stylistic elements of Mesoamerican origin and their settlement patterns resemble those of the adjacent Mexican states Sonora and Sinaloa more than the Puebloan north. Southern influences include ceramic styles, figurines, censers, and palettes. • Red-on-brown bowl