Imperialism

1. Imperialism

2. The policy of extending a nation's authority by territorial acquisition or by the establishment of economic and political hegemony over other nations.

3. American naval officer and historian who was a highly influential exponent of sea power in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.Mahan was the son of a professor at the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, N.Y. He graduated from the U.S. Naval Academy at Annapolis, Md., in 1859 and went on to serve nearly 40 years of active duty in the U.S. Navy. He fought in the Civil War, later served on the staff of Admiral J.A.B. Dahlgren, and progressed steadily in rank. In 1884 he was invited by Stephen Luce, president of the newly established Naval War College at Newport, R.I., to lecture on naval history and tactics there. Mahan became the college’s president in 1886 and held that post until 1889.In 1890 Mahan published his college lectures as The Influence of Sea Power upon History, 1660–1783. In this book he argued for the paramount importance of sea power in national historical supremacy. The book, which came at a time of great technological improvement in warships, won immediate recognition abroad. In his second book, The Influence of Sea Power upon the French Revolution and Empire, 1793–1812 (1892), Mahan stressed the interdependence of the military and commercial control of the sea and asserted that the control of seaborne commerce can determine the outcome of wars. Both books were avidly read in Great Britain and Germany, where they greatly influenced the buildup of naval forces in the years prior to World War I.Mahan retired from the U.S. Navy in 1896 but was subsequently recalled to service. In The Interest of America in Sea Power, Present and Future (1897), he sought to arouse his fellow Americans to a realization of their maritime responsibilities. Mahan served as president of the American Historical Association in 1902. His other major books include The Life of Nelson (1897) and The Major Operations of the Navies in the War of American Independence (1913). Before his death in December 1914, Mahan correctly foretold the defeat of the Central Powers and of the German navy in World War I.

4. THE ALASKA PURCHASE WAS A PROFITABLE INVESTMENT; United States Has Obtained Rich Gains for Payment of $7,200,000 -- Records Show Returns Amounting to $154,000,000 Above Price Given for Territory.

5. Hawai`i-United States Convention - 1884SUPPLEMENTARY Convention between the United States of America and his Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands to limit the duration of the Convention respecting commercial reciprocity between the United States of America and the Hawaiian Kingdom, concluded January 30, 1875. Concluded December 6, 1884Ratification advised by the Senate with amendments, January 20, 1887Ratified by the King of Hawaii, October 20, 1887Ratifications exchanged at Washington November 9, 1887Whereas a Convention was concluded between the United States of Ameica; and His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, on the thirtieth day of January 1875, concerning commercial reciprocity, which the fifth article thereof, was to continue in force for seven years from the date after it was to come into operation, and further, until the expiration of twelve months after either of the High Contracting Parties should give notice to the other of its wish to terminate the same; and Whereas, the High Contracting parties consider that the increase and consolidation of their mutual commercial interests would be beter promoted by the definite limitation of the duration of the said Convention; Therefore, the President of the United States of America, and His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, have appointed: The President of the United States of America, Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, Secretary of State; and His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, Henry A. P. Carter, accredited to the Government of the United States as His Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary; Who, having exchanged their respective powers, which were found sufficient and in due form, have agreed upon the following articles: ARTICLE IThe High Contracting Parties agree, that the time fixed for the duration of the said Convention, shall be definitely extended for a term of seven years from the date of the exchange of ratifications hereof, and further, until the expiration of twelve months after either of the High Contracting Parties shall give notice of the other of its wish to terminate the same, each of the High Contracting Parties being at liberty to give such notice to the other at the end of the said term of seven years or at any time thereafter. ARTICLE IIHis Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands grants to the Govrnment of the United States the exclusive right to enter the harbor of the Pearl River in the Island of Oahu, and to establish and maintain there a coaling and repair station for the use of vessels of the United States, and to that end the United States may improve the entrance to said harbor and do all other things needful to the purpose aforesaid. ARTICLE IIIThe present Convention shall be ratified and the ratifications exchanged at Washington as soon as possible. In witness whereof, the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the present Convention in duplicate, and have hereunto affixed their respective seals. Done at the city of Washington the 6th day of December in the year of Our Lord 1884. Frederick t. FrelinghuysenHenry A.P. Carter

6. FIRST {The Spain treatment for the Cubans…}SECOND {The letter that’s aid our president was weakling…}THIRD {They blowed up the u.s Maine…}

7. The censorship imposed upon the Philippines after American “liberation” began to be lifted in October. The growing crisis in the Islands, developing toward civil war, made it necessary for the Truman administration to begin to prepare the American public for bloody measures.Official documents state the issue very clearly. In a letter dated October26, 1945,to Paul V. McNutt, former Philippines High Commissioner, Truman wrote:In the provinces near Manila thousands of sharecroppers organized some years ago to demand a more equitable division of the product of their labor. For several years there was no effective solution of the problem.During the war the tenants organized a guerrilla army which Reportedly did good work against the enemy. After the enemy was defeated in their localities, they did not disband, and today they constitute a special problem which threatens the stability of the government.How threatening, is explained by Limlangen, Governor of Pampanga Province. He confesses that the government could not exist without “the efficient handling of well-trained units of the United States Army assigned to help maintain peace and order.” The peasantry, he added, clearly say they await only the withdrawal of American troops in order to settle past accounts.What kind of settlement do they want? In the recent Yamashita trial a report of the U.S. Army Counter-Intelligence Corps was introduced which describes the agrarian guerrilla movement, the Hukbalahaps, as follows: “It is one of the largest and most powerful guerrilla organizationsin central Luzon. It owes no allegiance to the United States, the Philippine Commonwealth or Japan …. Its policy is definitely Communistic … Its plans include the establishment of a Communist Government in the Philippines after the war on the early Russian model.” (my emphasis—C.A.)The Hukbalahaps, or Huks, take their name from their formal Tagalog title, Hukbong Bayan Laban sa Hapon—Peoples Anti-Japanese Army. Everyone admits they fought well. Brigadier. General Decker of the U.S. Army calls them “one of the best Fighting units I have ever known.” However, they killed not only Japanese but also rich Philippine collaborators, hated landlords and usurers. Now they refuse to disarm. These men and women trust no one but themselves; their actions make it clear that they fought in their own name and for their own ends.The Philippine bourgeoisie prospered under 40 years of American rule; the peasants and workers lived in starvation. Illness and servitude. Claude Buss, a former ranking member of the U.S. Commissionin the Philippines, says in the December 1944 Fortune:At the outbreak of the war the very rich in the Philippines lived on the scale of aristocrats in Spain or in the United States. They had fabulous homes, automobiles, racing stables, fantastic parties, and the virtues and vices of luxury …. At the opposite end of the Social scale were the taos or peasants. They lived in one or two room huts and ate fish and rice. They worked in fields for 30 or 40 cents a day and paid over a good share of their wages to the landlord or usurer.Buss describes one-half of the population as illiterate. Two thirds of the adults have had no schooling, two-fifths never went beyond the fourth grade.Wall Street fostered and protected the growth of this parasitic wealthy Philippine ruling class to aid U.S. domination. The Philippine Constabulary, especially trained by U.S. officers, protects the possessing class. The native bankers, landlords, merchants and usurers maintain their corrupt rule through one party—the Nacionalista Party.The Filipino small farmer and tenant live in the squalor and misery which peasants throughout the whole world know, including those of the United States itself. The Filipinos have been pushed down into increasing poverty. Whereas in 1918 there were 1,500,000 farms operated by their owners, by 1938 the number had shrunk to 804,000. As wealth concentrated at the top, hand-to-mouth tenantry swelled at the bottom. In 1918 there were 435,000 tenants; by 1938 about 575,000.The tenant or sharecropper must give 50 percent of his crop to the landlord. He has to borrow money when prices of the crops are low. He must pay back at a time advantageous to the landlord—who stores his share of the crop, waiting for the most favorable price.

8. Rough RidersWars and Battles, Spanish-American WarAt the outbreak of war with Spain in 1898, the U.S. Army was very small in numbers. This situation necessitated an immediate call for volunteers. President McKinley’s appeal was overwhelmingly answered by a generation that had grown up in the shadow of their elders’ Civil War glory. One group answering the call was the First Regiment of the U.S. Cavalry Volunteers, headed by Colonel Leonard Wood, a distinguished army doctor and Medal of Honor recipient. The regiment was actually the brainchild of Theodore Roosevelt, assistant secretary of the navy and Wood's friend. Roosevelt, realizing his own lack of military experience, suggested Wood for the command. The Rough Riders, as the regiment was soon known, comprised 1,250 men, including cowboys, Native Americans and eastern college athletes. Despite their dissimilarities, they were in excellent physical condition—a stark contrast to most of the other volunteer contingents. The Rough Riders departed from Tampa in mid-June without their horses. They landed at Daiquiri on June 22 and two days later served with distinction in a battle at Las Guásimas. Immediately prior to the conflict at San Juan, Colonel Wood was promoted to another field command, enabling Roosevelt as a full colonel to take command of the Rough Riders. On July 1, Roosevelt, having secured a horse, led his forces in a charge up Kettle Hill outside of Santiago. They achieved their goal and later in the day participated in the victory at San Juan Hill. By seizing these heights, American guns commanded the harbor at Santiago. The Spanish position was imperiled and an abortive attempt by the Spanish navy to escape from the harbor was halted with devastating results. Spanish land forces surrendered shortly thereafter. Roosevelt urged the Rough Riders' swift evacuation, fearing the continuing spread of disease. They returned to Montauk, Long Island, where they were held in quarantine before being mustered out in September. More than one-third of the Rough Riders were casualties in the Spanish-American War, a fact that has led some observers to criticize Roosevelt for unnecessary risk-taking. Nevertheless, the Rough Riders became heroes to the American public and Roosevelt emerged as a major national figure.

9. The Treaty of Paris of 1898, signed on December 10, 1898, ended the Spanish-American War Spanish-American WarThe Spanish? American War was an armed military conflict between Spain and the United States that took place between April and August 1898, over the issues of the liberation of Cuba.....American and Spanish delegates met in Paris on October 1, 1898 to produce a treaty that would bring an end to the war after six months of hostilities. The American commission consisted of William R. Day, Sen. Cushman K. Davis, Sen. William P. Frye, Sen. George Gray, and Whitelaw Reid. The Spanish commission included the Spanish diplomats Don Eugenio Montero Ríos, Don Buenaventura de Abarzuza, Don José de Garnica, Don Wenceslao Ramírez de Villa-Urrutia, and Don Rafael Cerero, as well as a French diplomat, Jules Cambon.The Treaty of Paris provided that Cuba would become independent from Spain but the US congress made sure it would be under US control

10. JUSTIFY This article describes and analyzes President William McKinley's foreign and domestic policies that led to the Spanish-American War of 1898. On the domestic side it includes congressional partisan politics, economic and business concerns, religious and moral views, cultural biases, and unexpected events that inflamed American patriotism. In foreign affairs it covers U.S. interests in Cuba, McKinley's diplomatic efforts to get Spain to withdraw peacefully from Cuba, and the president's relations with Europe's Great Powers and the pope. The article concludes with an analysis of McKinley's successes and failures. In April 1898 the United States went to war with Spain. President William McKinley asked Congress for authority to use force against both the Spanish and Cubans in order to end the strife on the island and to establish a stable Cuban government that would maintain order and observe international obligations. The president's determination to intervene in the Spanish-Cuban war came after three years of fighting on the island and a sporadic domestic debate as to what the United States should do. In making that decision McKinley considered many variables: at home it was congressional partisan politics, economic and business concerns, religious and moral views, deeply rooted cultural biases, and unexpected events that inflamed American patriotism; abroad it was U.S. interests in Cuba, failed diplomatic efforts to get Spain to withdraw from Cuba, and relations with Europe's Great Powers. This article will examine the major issues that McKinley considered as he led the nation into war. (1) The essential ingredient was the deplorable condition of Cuba. Cuban nationalists began a war for independence in 1868 that lasted for ten years. In 1878 Cuban nationalist insurgents were exhausted and Spain promised colonial reforms, most of which were never realized. Early in 1895 a larger and better-led rebellion began. The 1895-1898 war for Cuban independence devastated the island. Cuban rebels broke out of the mountainous eastern part of the island and carried the war to the rich agricultural central and western provinces. Poorly armed Cuban insurgents, rarely more than 25,000 and operating in small groups, attacked the island's economy rather than attempting pitched battles against larger formations of better-equipped Spanish soldiers. Insurgents burned sugar cane fields and mills and destroyed railroads, telegraph lines, and other property. They sought to turn Cuba into an economic desert, thereby making the island unprofitable and convincing Spain to leave. (2) Spain fought back by sending over 200,000 troops to Cuba and enlisting and arming thousands of local volunteers. The Spanish initially attempted to hunt down the scattered bands of rebels and to destroy them in battle. Unable to win a quick victory, the Spanish adopted a long-term concentration strategy of separating the rebels from the general peasant population that was providing food, information, and new recruits. Spain forced hundreds of thousands of Cuban peasants (reconcentrados) to leave their village homes and go to cities and towns controlled by Spanish military garrisons. As the villagers abandoned their homes, Spanish forces burned the villages, razed the crops, and killed the cattle in an effort to cut off the rebel food supply. In effect, both the Cubans and Spanish engaged in economic warfare that devastated the island. Agricultural production and foreign trade plummeted. (3) When the rural reconcentrados arrived in garrison towns, the Spanish had made few provisions for them. There was little housing, work, food, and medicine. Soon, many malnourished Cuban refugees began to sicken and die, and their plight increased with each passing month. After a year the results were horrific. In early 1895 Cuba had a population of about 1,600,000. During the war approximately 240,000 Cubans died from disease and starvation. By early 1897, the United States was becoming increasingly aware of the human disaster unfolding in Cuba. The exact condition of the Cuban civilian population throughout the island was never known, but many credible observers reported seeing terrible suffering. Firsthand reports tended to exaggerate the situation, and by April 1898 both Washington and Madrid believed that about 400,000 Cubans had already perished and many more were at risk. The growing misery and death toll in Cuba led the McKinley administration to employ tough diplomacy toward Spain and eventually to justify U.S. military intervention in the Spanish-Cuban war. The destructive Spanish-Cuban war adversely affected the U.S. economy. In 1895, the United States was suffering a severe depression that cut industrial production and employment and depressed agricultural prices, resulting in domestic unrest

11. Cuba Becomes United States Protectorate Cuba had been occupied since the U.S. victory in the Spanish-American War. On June 12th, the Cuban constitutional convention adopted a resolution that prohibited Cuba from entering into any agreement that would limit its independence. The amendment also stated that if Cuban independence was threatened, the U.S. would intervene.

12. Philippine-American War (1899-1902)This was America's first true colonial war as a world power. After defeating Spain in Cuba and in the Philippines in 1898, the U.S. purchased the Philippines, Puerto Rico and several other islands from the Spanish. However, the Filipinos had been fighting a bloody revolution against Spain since 1896, and had no intention of becoming a colony of another imperialist power. In February of 1899, fighting broke out between the occupying American Army and the Filipino forces.  "I am not afraid, and am always ready to do my duty, but I would like some one to tell me what we are fighting for."--Arthur H. Vickers, Sergeant in the First Nebraska Regiment"Talk about war being 'hell,' this war beats the hottest estimate ever made of that locality. Caloocan was supposed to contain seventeen thousand inhabitants. The Twentieth Kansas swept through it, and now Caloocan contains not one living native. Of the buildings, the battered walls of the great church and dismal prison alone remain. The village of Maypaja, where our first fight occurred on the night of the fourth, had five thousand people on that day, -- now not one stone remains upon top of another. You can only faintly imagine this terrible scene of desolation. War is worse than hell."--Captain Elliott, of the Kansas Regiment, February 27th

13. The Open Door NoteSubmitted by U.S. Secretary of State, John Hay, September 6, 1899At the time when the Government of the United States was informed by that of Germany that it had leased from His Majesty the Emperor of China the port of Kiao-chao and the adjacent territory in the province of Shantung, assurances were given to the ambassador of the United States at Berlin by the Imperial German minister for foreign affairs that the rights and privileges insured by treaties with China to citizens of the United States would not thereby suffer or be in anywise impaired within the area over which Germany had thus obtained control.More recently, however, the British Government recognized by a formal agreement with Germany the exclusive right of the latter country to enjoy in said leased area and the contiguous "sphere of influence or interest" certain privileges, more especially those relating to railroads and mining enterprises; but as the exact nature and extent of the rights thus recognized have not been clearly defined, it is possible that serious conflicts of interest may at any time arise not only between British and German subjects within said area, but that the interests of our citizens may also be jeopardized thereby. Earnestly desirous to remove any cause of irritation and to insure at the same time to the commerce of all nations in China the undoubted benefits which should accrue from a formal recognition by the various powers claiming "spheres of interest" that they shall enjoy perfect equality of treatment for their commerce and navigation within such "spheres," the Government of the United States would be pleased to see His German Majesty's Government give formal assurances, and lend its cooperation in securing like assurances from the other interested powers, that each, within its respective sphere of whatever influence-- First. Will in no way interfere with any treaty port or any vested interest within any so-called "sphere of interest" or leased territory it may have in China.Second. That the Chinese treaty tariff of the time being shall apply to all merchandise landed or shipped to all such ports as are within said "sphere of interest" (unless they be "free ports"), no matter to what nationality it may belong, and that duties so leviable shall be collected by the Chinese Government.Third. That it will levy no higher harbor dues on vessels of another nationality frequenting any port in such "sphere" than shall be levied on vessels of its own nationality, and no higher railroad charges over lines built, controlled, or operated within its "sphere" on merchandise belonging to citizens or subjects of other nationalities transported through such "sphere" than shall be levied on similar merchandise belonging to its own nationals transported over equal distances.The liberal policy pursued by His Imperial German Majesty in declaring Kiao-chao a free port and in aiding the Chinese Government in the establishment there of a custom-house are so clearly in line with the proposition which this Government is anxious to see recognized that it entertains the strongest hope that Germany will give its acceptance and hearty support.The recent ukase of His Majesty the Emperor of Russia declaring the port of Ta-lien-wan open during the whole of the lease under which it is held from China to the merchant ships of all nations, coupled with the categorical assurances made to this Government by His Imperial Majesty's representative at this capital at the time and since repeated to me by the present Russian ambassador, seem to insure the support of the Emperor to the proposed measure. Our ambassador at the Court of St. Petersburg has in consequence been instructed to submit it to the Russian Government and to request their early consideration of it. A copy of my instruction on the subject to Mr. Tower is herewith inclosed for your confidential information.The commercial interests of Great Britain and Japan will be so clearly served by the desired declaration of intentions, and the views of the Governments of these countries as to the desirability of the adoption of measures insuring the benefits of equality of treatment of all foreign trade throughout China are so similar to those entertained by the United States, that their acceptance of the propositions herein outlined and their cooperation in advocating their adoption by the other powers can be confidently expected. I inclose herewith copy of the instruction which I have sent to Mr. Choate on the subject.In view of the present favorable conditions, you are instructed to submit the above considerations to His Imperial German Majesty's Minister for Foreign Affairs, and to request his early consideration of the subject.Copy of this instruction is sent to our ambassadors at London and at St. Petersburg for their information.

14. Carving up the Melon When China was defeated by Japan in 1895, European powers responded with a policy they called, "carving up the Chinese melon." Following the partitioning of Africa among European powers, they turned their sights to what they saw as a terminally weak Chinese government. European powers and America began to scramble for what was called "spheres of interest." These spheres of interest involved holding leases for all railway and commercial privileges in various regions. The Russians got Port Arthur, the British got the New Territories around Hong Kong, the Germans got a leasehold in Shantung, and the Americans got nothing. Concentrating largely on the Philipines and Guam, the Americans had missed the Chinese boat and so insisted on an "open door" policy in China in which commercial opportunities were equally available to all European powers and the political and territorial integrity of China remained untouched. The Boxers   The imperial court responded to this foreign threat by giving aid to various secret societies. Traditionally, secret societies had been formed in opposition to imperial government; as such, they were certainly a threat to the Ch'ing government. However, anti-foreign sentiment had risen so greatly in China that the Empress Dowager believed that the secret societies could be the vanguard in a military expulsion of Europeans. This policy reached its climax in 1900 with the Boxer Rebellion.    The Boxers, or "The Righteous and Harmonious Fists," were a religious society that had originally rebelled against the imperial government in Shantung in 1898. They practiced an animistic magic of rituals and spells which they believed made them impervious to bullets and pain. The Boxers believed that the expulsion of foreign devils would magically renew Chinese society and begin a new golden age. Much of their discontent, however, was focussed on the economic scarcity of the 1890's. They were a passionate and confident group, full of contempt for authority and violent emotions.    In reality, the Boxer rebellion could hardly be classified as either a rebellion or a war against the Europeans. China was largely under the control of regional Governors General; these regional officials ignored the Empress Dowager's instructions and put forth every effort to prevent disorder or any harm coming to foreigners. The Boxer Rebellion, then, was only limited to a few places, but concentrated itself in Beijing. The Western response was swift and severe. Within a couple months, an international force captured and occupied Beijing and forced the imperial government to agree to the most humiliating terms yet: the Boxer Protocol of 1901. Under the Boxer Protocol, European powers got the right to maintain military forces in the capital, thus placing the imperial government more or less under arrest. The Protocols suspended the civil service examination, demanded a huge indemnity to be paid to European powers for the losses they had suffered, and required government officials to be prosecuted for their role in the rebellion. In addition, the Protocols suspended all arms imports into the country. Reform   The humiliation of the Boxer Protocols set China on new course of reform that dynamically put into place all of the reforms originally proposed by K'ang Yu-wei. In 1901, the education system was reformed to allow the admission of girls and the curriculum was changed from the study of the Classics and Confucian studies to the study of Western mathematics, science, engineering, and geography. The civil service examination was changed to reflect this new curriculum, and in 1905 it was abandoned altogether. The Chinese began to send its youth to Europe and to Japan to study the new sciences, such as economics, and radical new Western modes of thinking started making their way into China, such as Marxism. The military was reorganized under Yuan Shih-k'ai (1859-1916), who adopted Western and Japanese models of military organization and discipline. Key to this new military was the establishment of the military as a career; a new professional officer corps was created built on a new principle: loyalty to one's commander rather than loyalty to the Emperor.    The provincial assemblies that had originally been proposed by K'ang Yu-wei were established in 1909, the year in which the last emperor, Pu Yi, the Hsüan-tung emperor, ascended the throne. A national, democratically elected Consultative Assembly was established in 1910. Although the Assembly was meant to support the imperial court, in reality it was frequently odds with the interests of the imperial government. This is where things stood in 1911 when an uprising began in Szechwan province in the west. Angered at a government plan to nationalize the railways, the uprising soon grew into a national revolution that would end once and for all imperial rule in China. That, however, is a story for another day.

15. John Joseph Pershing was born on the 13th of September 1860 in Linn Country, a village in Missouri. His family was originally from the Alsace - one of his ancestors had emigrated to America in the middle of the 18th century. At the age of 22, after having been a teacher, he went to the West Point Military Academy. He left in 1886 and then followed a classic military career: as sub-lieutenant in Arizona, an instructor in military science and tactics at the University of Nebraska (1891) where he also studied law and in the 10th Cavalry Regiment in Montana. As a lieutenant in Washington (1897), he took part in the Cuban war and then in the suppression of the Moros uprising in the Philippines.In 1901, Captain Pershing was military attaché in Tokyo and closely followed the Russo-Japanese war. In 1906, he was appointed Brigadier General and carried out a new mission in the Philippines before taking a post in Europe, where he studied French and in 1914 he took charge of the Western Division in San Francisco. He took part in suppressing the revolt by Pancho Villa in Mexico. In August 1915, his wife and three of his children died in a fire in San Francisco.On the 10th of May 1917, President Wilson appointed him as commander of the American Expeditionary Corps in Europe. On the 13th of June 1917, General Pershing arrived in Paris. Thirteen days later, the first American troops landed at Saint-Nazaire. Until the 11th of November 1918, General Pershing continually strove to create a vast autonomous American army along the French front.General Pershing left France on the 1st of September 1919; on the 29th of September, American Congress stated that his country could be proud of him.Just after the war, Pershing was appointed Commander in Chief of the American Army (1921). In 1924 he became a reserve officer. He thus retired from public life, only becoming involved in an official capacity for commemorative ceremonies, in which he participated every year as the founding chairman of the "American Battle Monuments Commission", the organisation that manages American graves and memorials in Europe. In 1937 he also took part in the inauguration of his own statue at Versailles. He came back to France for the last time in May 1939. He published "My Experiences in the World War" in 1931, a work that was to be awarded a Pulitzer Prize the following year (published in France by librairiePion). On the 4th of August 1940, he addressed the American people for the last time via a radio message in which he took a stance against Hitlerism. In 1944, he was admitted to the Walter Reed hospital in Washington; that is where he was to receive General de Gaulle in July of the same year.John J. Pershing died on the 15th of July 1948 and was buried at the Arlington national cemetery in the presence of President Harry S. Truman John Pershing

16. This paper examines the "peace of righteousness" as the moral and intellectual centerpiece of Theodore Roosevelt's commentary on the diplomatic and ethical obligations of belligerent and neutral powers during the First World War. The peace of righteousness was less a diagnosis of the war's causes than a normative agenda of diplomatic precautions and positive duties that reduce the likelihood of violent conflict among major powers and uphold the rights of minor powers. In a series of wartime publications, Roosevelt expresses himself again and again about the deplorable state of international suspicion, envy, and hate which made preparedness a necessity. He championed preparedness in wartime because he believed the major powers had entered a tragic contest in which great moral issues of civilization were at stake. The task at hand for statesmen of the day was to put "might" behind "right" in matters involving international arbitration and the collective exercise of international police powers.

17. The paper discusses the imperialism of the United States in the Westward expansion and the interference in overseas affairs, like that of Hawaii. The paper also discusses the United States' involvement in Latin America and the Middle East as examples of imperialism. The paper reveals that while this involvement often masqueraded as an altruistic attempt to instill democracy, studies have suggested that democracy is not necessarily beneficial for the impoverished people it pretends to help. The paper concludes that while American imperialism has not established itself as a formal conquest for land, the influence that the United States has exercised on other states has resulted in an imperialist legacy."While the United States' primary motivation for revolution and independence was England's invasive interference into the colonists' affairs, soon after becoming a sovereign nation, the current hegemon began practicing an imperialism of their own. While many scholars have cast this imperialism in the same negative light as its contemporaries' brand of imperialism, other studies have suggested that American imperialism rises out of United States' liberal philosophies (Ninkovich 2001, p.2). Although American imperialism is most often associated with Westward expansion, the imperialistic foreign policy decisions of the 1800s simply set the stage for the United States' history of hegemony and interference that masquerades as "empire-lite," but functions similarly to any other empire." THE END