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10 Dec 2013, Research Institute of Linguistics, HAS, Budapest, Hungary. Topicalization as a prominent device in Chinese:. With reference to relativization and complementation. TANG Zhengda Associate Professor of Institute of Linguistics, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
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10 Dec 2013, Research Institute of Linguistics, HAS, Budapest, Hungary Topicalization as a prominent device in Chinese: With reference to relativization and complementation TANG Zhengda Associate Professor of Institute of Linguistics, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences Beijing, China
Outlines • Iconicity • Topicalization &Complimentation as Subject • Topicality &RelativizationAccessibility in Chinese • Topic within Nominal Phrases • Conclusion
Iconicity: Model & Icon Amilyenazanya, olyan a lánya 有其父,必有其子
Iconicity: Imitation Model Icon The worldLanguage Conceptual Constr.Linguistic form(Haiman 1985) Lang-external Lang.-internal
Iconicity in simplest ways • Onomatopoeia, Interjections, etc. Cat meowing • In Arabic, miao • In Chinese, Mandarin, miāomiāo • In Hungarianmiaú, nyau • In English, meow [miˈaʊ], miaow(UK), or mew [mjuː] • In Estonian, mjäu, njäu • In Filipino, ngyaw • In Greek, niau, (νιάου) • Source of Noun: ya (duck), e (google), wuya (crow) • Source of Verbs: flap, flip, chirp, cuckoo, roar, zip, zig-zag • Implosives for collecting flocks, Qu(go) for shouting away • Negation(nasal/labial)——close to deny • Demonstratives and person prons (Sonority, length, height, backness)
Iconicity and order (narrative sequence) • Veni, vidi, vici (Julius Caesar) Jakobson1965 • Subj– Obj.:SVO, SOV, VSO:Majority • Obj– Subj:OVS, OSV, VOS:Minority • Conditionals:Protasis-apodosis:Majority • Info. Str.:Given– New • Temporal Sequential Principle (Tai 1985): • 在马背-上 跳 - 跳 在 马背-上 • Prep. horse.back-up jumpJumpprep. Horse.back-up • Keep Jumping on the horse back Jump onto the horse back
Language Internal Iconicity (LII) • LII: Automorphism Model Icon Lang. form A Lang. form B
Examples for LII:Numerals • Chinese: Model Icon/Model Icon
Examples for LII:Numerals • Simplest Numeral sys.:Haruai 1 paŋ 2 mos 3 mospaŋ 2 + 1 4 mosmos 2 + 2 Model Icon
Examples for LII:Numerals • Most complicated: Hindi Models Icons
Universality of Topic-Comment Every human language has a common clause type with bipartite structure in which the constituents can reasonably be termed ‘topic’ and ‘comment’ • Hockett (1963): bipartite structure: T-C • Gundel (1988): Left Topic & Sent. predicate • Sohmiya (2005): T-C = Reference –Description = universal mode of thinking Every language has syntactic topic constructions in which an expression which refers to the topic of the sentence is adjoined to the left of a full sentence comment.
Typological ‘Exceptionals’ in Chinese • Topic-prominent(L&T1981): Topic markers, butSVO • Prenominal Relative Clauses • Do not (strictly) follow Accessibility Hierarchy (K.C 1977) • Pre-verbal Prep. phrase • Topic-Comment WITHIN NPs • Defected subject complementation Interacted? Correlated?
Topic-Prominent but SVO • Topic prominent:Chao(1968), Tai(1973), Huang(1973), Li & Thompson (1976), Xu & Liu (1998), etc. • Other T-Prom. Languages: Korean, Japanese Li & Thompson (1976) Qiang Sangkong Yi(Lolo) Zaiwa …. English, French, Twi, Indonesian Lisu Chinese, Lahu Philippine Malagasy SVO
Topicalization&Complementation as Subject Another case for Language Internal Iconicity
Two strategies in world langugages • clausal subject • That he did it shocked him. • clausal complement • shocked him that he did it. Rare Common Hungarian,Szabolcsi 2009
Rare CommonClausal subject Clausal complement
Chinese: Clausal Subject only • Clausal Subject • 他 打 小孩 激怒-了 围观者。 • he beat kid infuriate-PST onlooker • ‘That he beat the kid make the onlookers angry.’ • Clausal-Complement • *这/它 激怒-了 围观者 他打小孩。 • this/it infuriate-PST onlooker he beat kid
Chinese clausal Subject: Clause reductionNon-finite, infinitival, nominalized 他 踢小孩 不-可信。 he kick kid not-reliable/true ‘His kicking kids/the kid is not true.’ * 他 踢-了 小孩 不-可信。 he kick-PAST kidnot-reliable/true ‘That he kickedthe kid is not true.’ Semantically self-contradicte: 了 is a trigger of existence presp.
Inequality in complementation betweenClausal Subjectandclausal Object */# 我 不 信 他 踢 小孩。 I not believe he kick kid ‘I don’t believe in his kicking the kid. ’ 我 不 信 他 踢 –了 小孩。 I not believe he kick-PASTkid ‘I don’t believe thathe kickedthe kid. ’ Semantically self-contradicte: 了 is a trigger of existence presp.
Iconicity in Subject position:‘bare’ clause and bare-NP 他 踢 小孩 不-可信。 he kick kidnot-reliable/true * 他 踢-了 小孩 不-可信。 he kick-PAST kid not-reliable/true ‘bare’ clause 独角兽 不存在。 unicorn not-exist *那只独角兽 不存在。 That-Cl. unicorn non-exist • bare-NP PAST, Dem-CL triggers existence presupposition
Topicalization: the hidden power • 他 踢 小孩 –呢不-可信。 • he kick kid-TOP not-reliable/true • 独角兽- 呢不存在。 • unicorn -TOP not-exist Model Icon Bare NP Subject Clausal subject Generic topicgeneric sentence
Case of Ancient Chinese 杀人者 死, 伤人 及盗 抵罪。 Kill-man-NOM/TOP die injure-man and steal be-held-guilty ‘One who murders be put to death, and who injures and steals be held guilty’ Three for one: Nominalization, Complementation = topicalization Two strategies for complemantation, as one: Nominalizer(者), Clausal reduction = topicalization Topic-Comment as the Model
Differing and Similar S-complementation strategies in Tibeto-Burman Languages
Nominalization: Thangmi gă-ye ah-u-n -du- be ma-lo. I-erg say-3p-1s→3-npt-top neg-do Lit. what I say, he dosen’t follow. ‘He doesn’t follow whatever I say.’ (universal quantification) (Turin1973:265) Nominalization complementation Topicalization
Sangkong: 2 strategies(Li 2002) • a33 tɕa55 qha55mb31 ʑe33. herestaymostgoodMOOD ‘Staying here is best (for me)’ • mbja31a55mba33 ta33e55 a31 mb31 nge55. muchdrink-NOMNOTgoodMOOD ‘Drinking too much is not good.’ Clause reduction Nominalization Both Topicalization
Eastern Kayan(SVO, Tibeto-B? Mon-Khmer?) Solnit 1986 • [a sítrē] se o kū tcɤ to 3 ashamed useful COM 3 one-CLF NEG Being ashamed isn’t any use to him! Clause reduction 全量性、类指性话题
Lahu in Bangdo:T-B • Li(2012) NOM/TOP goodpoint have Exercise buy 2000 yuan need MOOD Tracter one-CL NOM/TOP Nominalization Shared Topic marking
Yi (Lolo): T-BHu 2001、2004 Topicalization for complementation and Subjunctive clause
Zaiwa:T-BZhu 2012 Complentatation Topicalization Subjuctive Topicalizaton
Common absence of Complementizer a. That he came is true. b. It is true that he came. Topic promimece:Only in SOV languages Topicalization: de-clausalization
Common tendency: Pre- vs. Post- a. His having comeis true. (Reduced, compact) b. It is true that he came.(full-fledged, finite) a'. The boy who is running is my son. b‘. The runningboy who came is my son.
Relative clause: pre- and post-Reduced and full-fledged Hungarian (Hidasi 1988) azangolnyelvtanárhúgom ART Englishlanguage-teacher sister-mine ‘my sister who (is) an English teacher’ az ember akibeszél / beszél-t-em / beszél-get ART man REL say-PRE /say-PAST-1sg /say-ITER ‘the man who is speaking/I used to mention/keep talking’
Accessibility Hierarchy of NP Positions(Keenan & Comrie 1977) • The higher, • the more likely to be relativized • the more typologically attested • the more frequently occurred • the earlier to be acquired
Another extreme:certain AustranesiansOnly subject / focus / pivot accessible • Robust voice and/or focus system, so to ‘subjectivize’ • What about Chinese?
Malagasy: Subj. bypassivization • nyvehivavy[izaynividyny vary] the woman REL buy.ACT the rice ‘the woman who bought the rice’ • ny vary [izaynovidin’ nyvehivavy] the rice REL buy.PASSthe woman ‘the rice that was bought by the woman’
Tagalog (Western Malayo-Polynesian; Schachter 1977):Focalization & passivization • a) b<um>ili angbabaengbaro. • <AF>bought FOC woman PAT dress • ‘The woman bought a dress.’ • b) b<in>ilingbabaeangbaro. • <PF>bought a woman FOC dress • ‘The dress was bought by a / the woman.’ • c) babae-[ng b<um>ili ngbaro] • woman-LKR <AF>bought PAT dress • ‘the woman who bought a dress’ • d) baro-[ng b<in>ilingbabae] • dress-LKR <PF>bought a woman • ‘the dress that was bought by a / the woman’
Puzzles in Chinese: Instrument Oblique high in AH * 郑屠用(它)切肉的刀 • 郑屠切肉的刀 • (这)刀,郑屠切肉。 Butcher use (it) cut meat REL knife Butcher cut meat REL knife 郑屠用刀切肉。 刀 刀 This knife, butchercut meat Butcher use knifecut meat Extraction of Instrument Extraction of Topic
Puzzles in Chinese: Genetive high in AH Relativization Topicalization 奶粉丢了的孩子 milk lose-PST Relkid *奶粉有毒的孩子 • milk has poison Relkid 孩子, 奶粉丢了 kid-TOP milk lose-PST *孩子,奶粉有毒 Kid-TOP milk has poison ‘Gen’ in Chinese is de facto TOPIC
Chinese AH more like this Driven by TOPICALIZATION
TopicsWITHINNominal Phrases? Crazy?
Common Rule in Chinese NP with 的de • The Lefter, the more likely with 的de • 漂亮 *(的) 大(的)房间 beautiful de big (de) house A/the beautiful big house • 聪明 *(的)匈牙利(的)人民 Intelligent deHungarian (de) people Intelligent Hungarian people
Let’s see how powerfulisthe assimilation effect of TOP-COMicon
Very peculiar type of NP hitherto less discussed 大象粗长的鼻子 Elep. thick-long denose Mod. Adj. Rel Head-Noun 粗长的鼻子 = 鼻子 thick-long de nose = nose But: * 大象 鼻子 * Elep. nose
The Leftmost N-modifier:Against the common rule a.*那根i大象粗长的鼻子i That Cl.Elep. thick-long denose b.那只j大象j粗长的鼻子 That Cl.Elep. thick-long de nose The leftmost constraint satisfied.
The Leftmost N-modifier:other peculiarities • Left-M can do without 的de! • Left-M cannot do without additional modifier and then 的de 1、*他 品质 he(his) personality 2、*他 优秀 品质 he(his) top-ranked personality 3、他 优秀 的 品质 he(his) top-ranked de personality
Leftmost-M is Costly!Garden Path resulted • Prosodic mis-match 我尊敬 - 他----------年迈的--父亲 I respect[shortest pause]he[longest pause] old father Whom to respect? The 1st parsing: WRONG The 2nd parsing: WRONG? The 3rd parsing: Right at last!
CAUSE of Leftmost-M: TOPIC-COMMENT as an ICON • Leftmost-M and Topic-Comment: PARALLEL a.L-M NP: 狗灵敏的嗅觉 dog sharpde sense-of-smell b.Topic-Comt: 狗,嗅觉灵敏。 dog sense-of-smell sharp TOP Sub-TOP Comt