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This presentation explores the FDI-led development model in Visegrad countries, focusing on the impacts, criticisms, and changes in FDI-related policies after 2010. It also examines the interpretation of these changes as shifts in business-polity relations.
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Institute of World Economics, KRTK - Hungarian Academy of Sciences FDI-based development model revisited? Miklós Szanyi MTA KRTK Institute of World Economics and Budapest Business School Presentation for the 3rd Polish-Hungarian Bilateral Conference Warsaw, 2016 September 29.
The Topic, Motivations • After 25 years of transition process Visegrad countries’ (V4) economic structure was determined by strong presence of multinational business • Governments regarded FDI as an essential tool for economic development, attraction policies competed for international investments • During the 2000s V4 attitudes towards FDI became less enthusiastic • Attraction policies changed substantially after the 2004 joining of the EU • Around the year 2010 FDI-related policies became less favourable for multinational business, strong verbal campaigns were launched in Hungary • Also in Poland: „There will be Budapest in Warsaw soon!” (More complex political issue.)
Structure of the Presentation • The FDI-led model: characteristics, historic patterns and imperatives of the transition process • Main impacts of FDI and criticisms • Changes in FDI-related policies after 2010 • Interpretation of changes as shifts in business-polity relations
The Model of FDI-led development • Aims: quickest possible modernization of transition economies • Technological progress, structural changes, knowledge transfer (micro issues) • Institutional changes • Liberalization and more competition • Integration of national economies into global value chains (the new carriers of international labor division) • Role of privatization • General aims: quick reduction of the state owned sector (also to stop paternalistic expectations), balancing the state budget and current account • Major greenfield investments from the second half of the 1990s in all V4 countries • Strong dependence on multinational business in most economic branches (DME model)
Positive impacts of FDI in Hungary • Fundamental structural changes, largely to the benefit of the country • Huge increase in productivity, export performance, technological sophistication • Hungarian economy became integrated part of global value chains mainly through the single european market • Hungary has scored trade balance sufficit since 2009 • New job creation (job losses in less competitive domestic firms) • Net tax payers despite of tax holidays (especially after 2004) • Development of supplier networks (higher expectations though) - spillovers
Criticism of the FDI-based development • Dual structure • Spatial (large and increasing gap in business activity, income generation, employment…) • Ownership-related (suppliers mainly also foreign owned – reasons: suppliers were also privatized or traditional partners moved over to Hungary, very few capable local firms, most of them work on different markets – no interface…) • Spillovers not really convincing (little empirical evidence – reasons: methodological problems, parallel positive and negative impacts…) • Local supplies, perhaps also spillovers started to increase after 2000, after 2007 pressure on cost competitiveness of GVCs increased – growing V4 activity and upgrading • DME model: more systemic criticism. • High level of specialization: retardation in activity structure, R&D, education • Tax incentives: deprive state from financial tools to correct for deficiencies
Criticism of the FDI-based development • Political criticism • traditional: right-wing parties always favored more balanced aid policy (less preference on multinationals) – debates • Some negative experiences with FDI during the 1990s (loose regulation!!) • 2007 (financial) crisis fuel for anti-globalist sentiments • Political message to the voter: lack of economic recovery, stagnating living standards are due to mistaken FDI policy until 2010 („luxury profits”, repatriation of „our” profits, overcharged prices in utility services, etc.) • Resulting policy changes in FDI attraction: • Split of branches and companies: „good, productive” business and „bad, speculative” business • „Good” business is tolerated (supported on selective basis) • „Bad” business is curtailed
The revision and economic patriotism • Model changes interpreted as shifts in elites • The liberal, FDI-bound „comprador elite” (Drahokoupil) • National capital owners • New policies favour national capital and curtail multinational business (nationalizations, new taxes and market regulation versus directed public procurement, cash subsidies to national firms) • Strong political propaganda against multinational business • Questions: • Legal and/or illegal policies (EU competition office)? • Economic impacts (more growth? more efficiency? more equality?) • Political impact (patronage, support of political clients)
Economic patriotism before 2008 • „British jobs for British workers” • Return to „Buy American” • Dominique de Villepin: „defense of local interest on integrated markets” 2005 (Danon) • Lex MOL, 2007 • On supranational level: the Lisbon strategy of EU, Horizont 2020, TTIP (who will benefit?) • Paradox of the neoliberal democracy: nationally embedded politicians and supranational action determinants • Creative usage of economic liberalism in defence of national economic interests
What is economic patriotism (EP)? • Preference of national interests against overall, global advantages – discrimination of agents, economic branches or social groups chosen by their territorial location. • Selection of winners is agnostic and normative • The principle can be applied on supranational and also local levels • It is not defined by tools (selective liberalization is also discriminative), the purpose is not banning competition but enhancing competitiveness
Economic nationalism and patriotism • Economic nationalism (F. List): usage of protectionist measures to achieve national development goals – conceptional debate with economic liberalism and free trade principle that aim maximization of personal utilities (Smith, Ricardo). • Economic patriotism: Usage of innovative support tools within the liberal institutional frames (creative not classic protectionism) • Shifts towards supranational (fortress Europe) and local levels • Variations: conservative EP (maintaining a status quo) liberal EP (increase dynamic efficiency – innovation, education, etc.) • Selective liberalization (in the integration process, market regulations • Deregulation = reregulation • Political and economic sides of EP are separated: populist rhetorics but (more) rational economic policies – with potential dangers (!) • EP in employment relations, in consumption, on social levels
EP summary: Preference of national interest in liberal institutional settings • Goal: to enjoy more from the benefits of free competition and free trade • Method: increase competitiveness of market agents (better power position) • Tools: selective liberalization, enabling policies (controlled subventions), development of production inputs, supportive business climate • Features: agnostic and normative, does not aim banning competition, selects on territorial basis, separates political promises and economic policy actions • Levels: national economy, local economy, supranational organizations • Dangers: if not controlled, shifts from economic interest to political and other partial (even personal) interest – need for control institutions (political competition, cilvil society)
Dangers: political dominance over the economy (business capture) • Starting point: Business-polity interaction is normal • Quality of interactions depends on institutional solutions (open or covert channels) and on the bargaining position of the parties • Interpretation in the dimensions of level of organization of business and polity’s need of support (Schoenman, 2012) • Cooperation if polity needs business support and business is well organized – mostly normative distributive tools • Patronage if polity’s need weaker and business agents are not organized – selective advantage tools, often partisan – support of political clients and business capture • Shift from cooperation to patronage – departure from „normal” economic patriotism