Beyond the Picket Lines: Self-Monitoring and Political Activism Among College Students

1. Beyond the Picket Lines: Self-Monitoring and Political Activism Among College Students Shelly Tang, Andrew E. Yusran, and Traci A. Giuliano Southwestern University Abstract Method Conclusion Some individuals are more likely than others to engage in political activities. As such, the present study examined the extent to which self-monitoring predicts political activism. Specifically, self-monitoring refers to individual differences in the use of situational cues to control self-presentation so that it is socially acceptable (Snyder, 1974). A survey was distributed to 95 participants (49 women, 45 men, and 1 unreported) to assess their level of self-monitoring and political activity. As predicted, the results revealed a negative correlation between self-monitoring and political activism. In line with previous research that has revealed that high self-monitors are less likely than low self-monitors to commit to their marriages and occupations (Day, Schleicher, Unckless, & Hiller, 2002; Leon & Hall, 2003), the results of the present study suggest that high self-monitors are less likely than low self-monitors to commit to political activism. Future research should further explore the relationship between self-monitoring level and involvement in a broader range of political activities. Nevertheless, the current findings provide insight into one of the many underlying factors that may promote or motivate political participation. • A convenience sample of 95 undergraduate students (49 women, 45 men, • and 1 unreported) from a small liberal arts university in the Texas completed • a questionnaire that measured demographic background, self-perceptions • (i.e., self-esteem, self-monitoring, and cultural experience), and political • attitudes and behaviors. Participants’ level of self-monitoring was measured • using one item from a revised version (Snyder & Gangestad, 1986) of the • original Self-Monitoring Scale (Snyder, 1974). This scale was modified to fit • a 5-point Likert scale with responses ranging from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 5 • (Strongly agree). Political activism was measured using four items (α = .81) • from the Activism Orientation Scale (Corning & Myers, 2002). This scale • was also modified to fit a 5-point scale with responses ranging from 1 (Not at • all) to 5 (Very much). • The item assessing Self-Monitoring was: • In different situations and with different people, I often act like • different persons. • The items from the Activism Orientation Scale were: • How likely are you to display a poster or bumper sticker with a • political message? • How likely are you to present facts to contest another person’s • social or political statement? • How likely are you to send a letter or an e-mail about a political • issue to a public official? • How likely are you to send a letter or an e-mail about a political • issue to a public official? Consistent with the hypothesis, the results revealed that people who use situational cues to monitor their behaviors are less likely to engage in political actions, whereas people who use internal cues to monitor their behaviors are more likely to engage in political actions. The findings of the current study imply that people’s ability to alter their behaviors in various situations serves as an influential factor in predicting their levels of political activity. Because the age group of the sample that was used for the current study has been associated with the lowest voting rate, the present findings suggest a unique way of understanding the population that is politically inactive. Because action directs social change, it is important to continue to study the underlying factors that promote or motivate political participation. For example, it is possible that participants in the current study were generally more inclined to participate in political activities regardless of their self-monitoring levels. Political activism may be regarded as socially appropriate if a college atmosphere encourages the expression and discussion of differing political ideas (Ulbig & Funk, 1999). In addition, the threat of a policy change in an undesirable direction may supersede people’s desires to evade social conflict, and therefore, threat may actually prompt political participation (Miller & Krosnick, 2004). Because the war in Iraq and the recent terrorist attacks have posed as a threat to people’s personal liberties, it seems logical that people may be more likely to engage in political behavior. In terms of future research, it would be useful to extend the current findings by exploring the relationship between self-monitoring and involvement in a broader range of political activities. For example, political participation should be expanded to include more candid forms of political activism, such as participation in a public protest, monetary donation to a political cause, or contribution to a political editorial. Future research should also use a more expansive set of test items from the Self-Monitoring Scale in order to provide a more reliable and valid test of the hypothesis and to therefore increase the strength of the findings. In essence, much work remains to be done before a full understanding of the relationship between self-monitoring and political activism is established. In the meantime, the present results are a promising first step toward understanding one of the many underlying factors that promote political participation among college students. Perhaps by establishing an encouraging environment that accepts political participation and disapproves of political apathy, an increased number of people will visit the polls and cast their ballots. It seems reasonable that by gaining more valuable insights on which political issues receive apparent public support or opposition, people can more accurately examine the developing trends of society’s moral values and beliefs. Introduction A popular cautionary statement suggests that there are three topics that one should never mention at a dinner party—sex, religion, and politics. Although discussion of these controversial topics may lead to lively and exciting discussion, such conversations also have the potential to erupt into hostile and aggressive arguments. Thus, it seems reasonable that certain individuals may be more likely than others to discuss political topics and to engage in political activities. One variable that could potentially account for this behavior is differences in people’s level of self-monitoring. Self-monitoring refers to individual differences in the use of situational cues to control self-presentation so that it is socially acceptable (Gangestad & Snyder, 2000; Snyder, 1974; Snyder & Kendzierski, 1982). Low self-monitors base their behaviors on their inner dispositions, whereas high self-monitors modify their behaviors to fit various situations and attitudes. As a result, high self-monitors tend to provide socially appropriate responses that may or may not be congruent with their internal attitudes (Klein, Snyder, & Livingston, 2004). High self-monitors are less likely than low self-monitors to follow through on their intentions (Ajzen, Timko, & White, 1982); they also tend to seek out situations that enable them to demonstrate a positive self-image (Gangestad & Snyder, 2000; Snyder, 1974; Snyder & Kendzierski, 1982; White & Gerstein, 1987). Given these findings, it seems plausible that high self-monitors are less likely than low self-monitors to commit to political activism. That is, because involvement in political activities clearly indicates support or opposition toward a political issue, it follows that high self-monitors would have to be capable of verifying their position on a controversial topic and consequently be willing to risk social disapproval. Considering the importance that high self-monitors place on presenting a socially-appropriate image, it could be argued that high self-monitors may not be as willing as low self-monitors to refer to themselves as political activists. Consistent with this notion, Kelly and Breinlinger (1995) found that female participants who acknowledged themselves as activists and who identified strongly with other women were more likely to participate in social actions. However, women who hesitated to refer to themselves as feminists expressed fears that such identification would place them at risk for social scrutiny. Indeed, research shows that their fears are not unfounded. For example, participants are more likely to label photographs of unattractive men and women as political radicals or social deviants (Unger, Hilderbrand, & Madar, 1982) and to associate female feminists with masculine traits (Rickabaugh, 1995). Interestingly, Unger et al. (1982) found that although feminism was no longer associated with physically unattractive individuals, activist feminism continues to be linked to physical unattractiveness. The purpose of the current study was to further explore this potential connection. Given previous research which characterizes high self-monitors as low in commitment (e.g, Ajzen et al., 1982; Day et al., 2002; Leon & Hall, 2003) and high in positive self-presentation (e.g., Gangestad & Snyder, 2000; White & Gerstein, 1987), it was hypothesized that high self-monitors would be less likely than low self-monitors to be politically active. Results The results revealed a significant negative relationship between self-monitoring and political activism, r (92) = -.26, p = .005. Consistent with the hypothesis, people who tend to be more responsive to their surroundings and to alter their behaviors to fit various situations report being less politically active. By contrast, people who tend to maintain an unchanging expressive behavior across various situations are more likely to be politically active.