1 / 32

On the origin and evolution of the contrast between tautosyllabic and heterosyllabic sequences of vocoids in Romance

PaPI 2005 Barcelona. On the origin and evolution of the contrast between tautosyllabic and heterosyllabic sequences of vocoids in Romance. Ioana Chitoran José Ignacio Hualde Dartmouth College University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign USA.

mimir
Download Presentation

On the origin and evolution of the contrast between tautosyllabic and heterosyllabic sequences of vocoids in Romance

An Image/Link below is provided (as is) to download presentation Download Policy: Content on the Website is provided to you AS IS for your information and personal use and may not be sold / licensed / shared on other websites without getting consent from its author. Content is provided to you AS IS for your information and personal use only. Download presentation by click this link. While downloading, if for some reason you are not able to download a presentation, the publisher may have deleted the file from their server. During download, if you can't get a presentation, the file might be deleted by the publisher.

E N D

Presentation Transcript

  1. PaPI 2005 Barcelona On the origin and evolution of the contrast between tautosyllabic and heterosyllabic sequences of vocoids in Romance Ioana Chitoran José Ignacio Hualde Dartmouth College University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign USA

  2. Cross-Romance typology of glide-vowel variability Goals • Understanding the presence or absence of variability in the production of vocalic sequences (iV, jV)in Romance languages. • The comparative study of variability provides an insight into the historical evolution of a phonological system. Hypothesis Variability is related to: • The presence of the glide [j] from other historical sources • The effects of prosodic structure on the realization of linguistic units

  3. Latin iV sequences Catalan, Portuguese French Spanish Romanian (Italian) [mjp][miope] [miopu]‘short-sighted’ [bjl] [bjela][biela] ‘rod’ [medjan] ‘median’[italjana][italjana]‘Italian’f. diphthong sequence (jV)(iV)

  4. Historical diphthongs Latin /’ptra/ French Spanish Romanian Portuguese p[j]rrep[je]dra p[ja]tr«p[]dra • Standard French: iV sequences contract to jV, merging with historical diphthongs Exceptions: after complex onsets (l[j]er vs. pl[i].er); across a morpheme boundary (tr[wa] ‘three’ vs. tr[u.a] ‘he dug’) • Castilian Spanish: iV sequences contract to jV, merging with diphthongs Exceptions:across a morpheme boundary (boqu[i-a]ncho)(Navarro Tomás 1977;Hualde 1997); paradigmatic effects (l[i.á]mos ‘we tie’ cf. l[í.a]s ‘you tie’; sometimes in word-initial position;Aguilar 1999; Colina 1999; Hualde & Prieto 2002; Chitoran & Hualde 2002)

  5. Romanian: iV maintained, contrast with historical diphthongs jV (Chitoran 2001; Chitoran & Hualde 2002) • Portuguese: - no historical diphthongs - iV maintained, jV possible in casual/fast speech(Mateus & d’Andrade 2000; Mateus et al.2003) Same scenario for Catalan (Cabré & Prieto 2004)

  6. Differences in historical details Romanian Diphthongs in limited context, after labials: PETRA > pjatr«‘stone’ Palatalization of coronals and velars, glide absorbtion: TERRA > tsar«‘land’ SEPTEM > Sapte‘seven’ DECEM > zetSe‘ten’

  7. Other sources of glides Romanian and Italian Stop-liquid clusters: PLENA > It. pjena ‘full’ f. CLAMARE > It. kjamare ‘to call’ Rom. kjema

  8. iV sequences Diphthong production (jV) vs. hiatus sequence production (iV) • Native speaker syllabification judgments: • tautosyllabic (jV) vs. heterosyllabic (i.V) • Acoustic duration: • shorter vs. longer duration (Hualde & Prieto 1999, Chitoran & Hualde 2002)

  9. Effects of prosodic structure • Lengthening at prosodic boundaries (in a syllable onset at word and phrase boundary) • e.g., Fougeron & Keating 1997, Turk & Shattuck-Hufnagel 2000, Fougeron 2001, Cho & Keating 2001 • Relative timing of gestures is affected by the • proximity of prosodic boundaries • Byrd 2000

  10. Romance vocalic sequencesTwo types of prosodic effects • Position in the word • Sequences tend to be longer word-initially than word-internally • Position with respect to stress • Sequences tend to be longer the closer they are to the main stress syllable, preceding it

  11. Word position effect – Romanian - 4 speakers, 7 repetitions, total 560 words • Control for stress, no of syllables, segmental context • Measured: acoustic duration of iV sequence (Praat) Carrier phrase: Spúne __ de trei órj‘say __ three times’ Examples: word-initial word-internal (orthography) ca-n pión campión ce piós copiós ce viábil serviábil din Diána mediána vezj tiáre vestiáre si ca liána italiána

  12. Results – Romanian iV sequences longer word-initially than medially (p<.0001)

  13. Word position and stressCastilian Spanish • 4 speakers, 4 repetitions, total 528 words Carrier phrase: Dígo __ porque sí ‘I say __ just so’ Initial-stressedfiórdo ‘fiord’ diéta ‘diet’ diána ‘Diana’ Medial-stressed cordiál ‘cordial’ italiána ‘Italian’ f. Initial-unstressed piolét ‘axe’ diagonál ‘diagonal’

  14. Results – Spanish initial-stressed > medial-stressed > initial-unstressed(p<.001)

  15. Word position effect – French 5 speakers, 7 repetitions, total 630 words Carrier phrase: Dis-nous __ de nouveau ‘tell us __ again’ Examples: word-initial word-internal (orthography) une pionne championne la viole raviole le diol s’étiole ta nielle Danielle mes Dianes médiane tes lierres bélière ta liasse alias

  16. Results – French iV sequences longer word-initially than medially (p<.05)

  17. Portuguese – No word position effect European Portuguese (EP) Brazilian Portuguese (BP) • 4 speakers, 7 repetitions - 5 speakers, 3 repetitions • total 502 words - total 269 words Carrier phrase: Digo ___ porque sim‘I say __ just so’ Examples:word-initial word-internal (orthography)a liana aliada que viavel enviavel da Diana mediana a miada amealha No word position effect (p > .05)

  18. Cross-Romance patterns Different patterns with respect to “degree of contrast” between glides and vowels glide / vowel contrast Romanianyes Spanishpartial Frenchno - all glides Portugueseno- all vowels Factors: • The presence of glides (diphthongs) from other historical sources • Prosodic effects on the duration of vocalic sequences

  19. Presence of diphthongs Contrast Position effect (initial / internal) French yesno(p < .05) Spanish yespartial(p < .001) Romanian yes, but inyes(p < .0001)limited context Portuguese nonono position effect

  20. Proximity to stress effects • Spanish, Romanian, Portuguese Immediately pretonic syllables tend to have greater duration than other unstressed syllables further to the left(Hualde & Chitoran 2003) stressed # V*  # pretonic # V*  # pre-pretonic # V * # * indicates stress

  21. Proximity to stress effects in iV sequences • Same speakers (3 Spanish, 4 Romanian, 4 EP, 5 BP) • Same carrier phrase, randomized list • Measured duration of word-initial iV sequence stressed pretonic pre-pretonic Spanish/ diáspora diamánte diapasón Portuguese diácono diabétes diagonál diatríba diametrál Romanian diáspora diamántu diapazón diáconu diabéturj diagonál diatríba diametrál

  22. Results stressed > pretonic > pre-pretonic 2 Sp, 2 R, 1 EP stressed > pretonic, pre-pretonic 1 Sp, 1 R, 3 EP stressed, pretonic > pre-pretonic 1 R (p < .05)

  23. European Portuguese stressed > pretonic > pre-pretonic p < .05 BP word-internal: stressed > pretonic > pre-pretonic word-initial: stressed > pretonic, pre-pretonic p < .0001

  24. Proximity to stress effects in vowels • Same speakers • Test words: 5 triplets (Sp), 6/7 (Rom), 7 pairs (EP), contrasting in location of stress • Measure duration of vowel in word-initial syllable stressed pretonic pre-pretonic Spanish célebre celébre celebré lámina lamína laminá Romanian pátima patína patiná répede repéde repetá EPortuguesehabíto habitóu debíto debitóu

  25. Results – Spanish stressed > pretonic > pre-pretonic 3 speakers (p < .05)

  26. Results – Romanian stressed > pretonic > pre-pretonic 3 speakers stressed > pretonic, pre-pretonic 1 speaker (p < .05)

  27. Results – European Portuguese pretonic > pre-pretonic 3 speakers (p <. 05)

  28. Summary • Vowels in immediately pretonic syllables tend to be longer than other earlier vowels (at least in words bearing pitch accent) • The duration differences correlate with the distribution of heterosyllabic vowel sequences (exceptions) in Spanish. These exceptions are reported for the most part in stressed and pretonic syllables.

  29. Distribution of languages with respect to the acoustic duration of iV sequences (means)

  30. Conclusions • We established the presence of variability in the degree of contrast between glides and vowels in several Romance languages. • The variability can be explained by the interaction of two factors: - The presence of glides/diphthongs in the lexicon from other historical sources, acting as “lexical attractors” for the reduction of sequences (in agreement with Cabré & Prieto – to appear) - Independent prosodic effects – which can slow down the merging tendency between iV sequences and diphthongs in certain positions (word-initially, in a stressed syllable, and closer to main stress). • The comparative study of variability in the glide/vowel production reveals information about the way in which different systems have evolved with respect to the glide-vowel contrast.

  31. References Aguilar, L. (1999) Hiatus and diphthong: Acoustic cues and speech situation differences. Speech Communication 28, 57-74 Cabré, T. & P. Prieto (2004) Prosodic and analogical effects in lexical glide formation in Catalan. Probus 16:2, 113-150. Cabré, T. & P. Prieto (to appear) Exceptional hiatuses in Spanish Chitoran, I. (2001) The phonology of Romanian: A constraint-based approach. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter Chitoran, I. & J.I. Hualde (2002) Variability in hiatus resolution: a phonetic study of [CiV] sequences in two Romance languages. LabPhon 8 poster, Yale University and Haskins, 2002. Cho, T. & P.A. Keating (2001) Articulatory and acoustic studies on domain-initial strengthening in Korean. Journal of Phonetics 29, 155-190 Fougeron, C. & P.A. Keating (1997) Articulatory strengthening at edges of prosodic domains. JASA 101, 3728-3740 Fougeron, C. (2001) Articulatory properties of initial segments in several prosodic constituents in French. Journal of Phonetics 29, 109-136 Frota, S. & M. Vigario (2001) On the correlates of rhythmic distinctions: The European/Brazilian Portuguese case. Probus 13:2, 247-275 Hualde, J.I. (1997) Spanish /i/ and related sounds: An exercise in phonetic analysis. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 27: 61-79

  32. Hualde, J.I. (1999) Patterns in the lexicon: Hiatus with unstressed high vowels in Spanish. In J. Gutierrez-Rexach and F. Martinez-Gil (eds.) Advances in Hispanic Linguistics, 182-197. Hualde, J.I. & M. Prieto (2002) On the diphthong/hiatus contrast in Spanish: some experimental results. Linguistics 40(2), 217-234 Hualde, J.I. & I. Chitoran (2003) Explaining the distribution of hiatus in Spanish and Romanian. Proceedings of ICPhS 15. Mateus, M.H. & E. d’Andrade (2000) The Phonology of Portuguese. Oxford University Press Mateus, M.H. et al. (2003) Gramática da Língua Portuguesa. 5th edition, Caminho: Lisbon Navarro Tomás, T. (1948) Manual de pronunciación espanola, 19th edition, Madrid: CSIC Recasens, D. (1991) Timing in Catalan. ICPhS XII, Aix-en-Provence, 230-233 Turk, A.E. & S. Shattuck-Hufnagel (2000) Word-boundary-related duration patterns in English. Journal of Phonetics 28, 397-440 Authors’ contact: ioana.chitoran@dartmouth.edu jihualde@uiuc.edu

More Related