RECENT AFRICAN IMMIGRATION TO SOUTH AMERICA: THE ARGENTINE CASE IN REGIONAL CONTEXT

1. RECENT AFRICAN IMMIGRATION TO SOUTH AMERICA: THE ARGENTINE CASE IN REGIONAL CONTEXT PEDRO F. MARCELINO Centre for Research on Latin America and the Caribbean York University, Toronto, Canada MARCELA CERRUTTI Centro de Estudios de Población - CONICET, Buenos Aires, Argentina

2. Newspaper Headlines…. “Africa in Buenos Aires. Every year hundreds of young men from the black continent arrive to Argentina escaping from wars and misery: Where do they come from? What are their dreams? What do the bijou street vendors that took over downtown think about Argentina? “(La Nación, 25/4/ 2009) “Buenos Aires: destiny for Africans” (La Nación, 7/9/2009) “Once [a neighborhood in Buenos Aires]: The Little Dakar of new African immigrants (La Nación, 21/10/2009) “Bijou street vendors: a group of Africans complained persecution and discrimination. A ruling from the Superior Tribune ordered policemen and prosecutors to let them sell because it is for their subsistence (Página 12, 19/8/2011)

3. Argentina: a potential destination for Africans? • In the last few years, the presence of recently arrived Africans to Argentina became more noticeable, particularly in Buenos Aires City. • The sudden emergence of this new immigrant group raised all sorts of speculations: Who are they?, What are they doing in Argentina, of all places?, Why did they choose to come here?, Is this a growing phenomenon? • Local reactions to their presence vary from more sympathetic to openly racist. Up to now curiosity, instead of concern, prevails. However it is clear that they are not integrated in social and economic fabric. • The predominant view is that African immigrants are running away from conflicts over land, religion or racial/ethnic persecution.

4. General Objectives • To describe recent African migration to Argentina in socio-demographic terms, their migration motives, modes of entry, legal situation, context of reception and modes of incorporation. • To propose social, economic, and geopolitical hypotheses that might justify the appearance of this new migration corridor. • To stimulate institutional debate, particularly regarding the regularization of the migratory situation and the process of integration and participation of African migrants in receiving countries such as Argentina.

5. A broader context to account for African migration to the region • These migrations constitute marginal expressions of a troublesome situation: that of people fleeing from violence, persecution and hunger with no places to go. As such, they should be analyze taking broader geopolitical considerations into account. • Despite the relative remoteness of Argentina (and Brazil) they are proving to be attractive destinations due to: • Open migratory policy (recognition of migrants rights); • Porosity of borders; • Weakness of state control, monitoring of irregular migrants and visa overstaying; • Relatively receptive and fairly affluent communities to perform informal commercial activities.

6. Points of departure • Argentina is at the core of the South America migration system with about 1.5 million regional immigrants. In this context, African immigration is a small and distinctive flow. • We do not know with certainty the size of this group, but there is evidence that it has been growing and getting more noticeable (for various reasons). • It is constituted by a variety of migrants from different countries. Their backgrounds and migratory statuses are heterogeneous, but generally they share a common trait: most are seeking human security. • Argentina is not the sole destination in South America.

7. Africans in Argentina: thecontext of reception

8. Africans in Argentina • DURING COLONIAL TIMES AND BEYOND Historical records show the significant numbers of black, mulattos, brown, and zambos at colonial times in Argentina Yet, the presence of black Africans in Argentina has been neglected by an unfortunate numeric argument: • Smaller number of slaves • Severely downsized by wars and pandemics • Miscegenation (mestizage) • The influence of European models of thought that purposefully denied their presence

9. Africans in Argentina • It has been shown that Argentina does not glorify its ‘mestizage,‘ but it does its ‘whiteness’ derived from an ideal image of how is Argentina is. • Since the mid-1980s, studies of Africa, Africans and Afro-argentines, particularly in the XIX and XX centuries, have gained significant impulse. Emergence of a multicultural narrative in academia and the upsurge of a new social movement (Afro-Argentine militant groups, cultural activism, participation in transnational black movements). • The recent arrival of Africans to Argentina has served to ‘visibilize’ and to discuss the issue of the African heritage and influence.

10. Africans in Numbers African born population is small but grew during the last decade. According to census data it grew from 1883 people in 2001 to 2738 in 2010. The inflow is predominately male: 66.5%. Among newer cohort the percentage of males is even higher. Heterogeneous educational profiles. Recent migrants, lower educational attainment. Two types: older population that arrived in prior migratory corridors (Cape Verde, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt and Algeria) and younger population recently arrived (Senegal, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Congo, Angola).

11. A Note on Africans in Brazil They are a minority but a significantly larger population than in Argentina (15,679). Roughly 40% are from Angola; 22% from Egypt and 9% from Mozambique. Most Egyptians arrived during the first half of the XX century and one out of two immigrants from Angola arrived between 1960 and 1979, while one third arrived after 1990). They are also predominately men.

12. A First Step Toward Incorporation: The Migratory Situation • Argentina (as well as Brazil) have migratory laws that are considerable less restrictive than those of developed countries and practice non-refoulement of asylum seekers. • Yet, for African immigrants the process of becoming a temporary or permanent resident is much lengthier. They do not come from MERCOSUR (or associate) countries; and the fact that many have entered the country irregularly (with no proof of entry) creates barriers to their regularization. • There are considerable references to the arrival of migrants crossing illegally from Brazil, possibly requiring access and payment of smuggling networks.

13. Becoming a Regular Migrant: Asylum Seekers, Refugees and Residents • Data from the National Office of Migration shows: between 2004 and 2009, 353 applications for temporary residencies and 296 for permanent residencies were filled by Africans (Senegal, Nigeria, South Africa, Morocco, Algeria, Cameroon, Egypt, and Sierra Leone). • Data from UNHCR, by July 201, there were 3,233 refugees and 329 asylum seekers; 28% from Senegal and 3% from Nigeria. • Among petitioners who are younger than 21 years old, the vast majority are from Africa (Senegal, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Ghana).

14. Asylum Seekers, Refugees and Residents (cont’d) • Petitions from Senegal increased from 0 in 1996, to 59 in 2005, to 438 between 2006 and 2008. From Sierra Leone, from 1 in 1998 to 71 in 2004. • Key informants stated that the significant increase in the refuge petitions by Senegalese probably constitutes a strategy to obtain a regular residency in Argentina. • No empirical studies on reasons given by petitioners, although evidence that conflicts in West Africa were provided as reasons.

15. Living in Argentina • Senegalese appear to have entered mainly through Brazil, using migrant networks in Argentina and organized networks at the origin to facilitate access to visas for Brazil, provide contacts at arrival and facilitate the border crossing. • Many arrived in less organized manners from Sierra Leone, Liberia or Guinea, escaping violence in cargo ships with unknown destinations. • High concentration in densely populated areas where informal labour opportunities abound: street vendors, wage workers in small-scale enterprises. • A considerable number may be in a ‘limbo’ situation in terms of regularity. • Informal incorporation and marginal integration.

16. Argentina and Africa: ‘Spasmodic’ foreign relations • Africa has not traditionally been a priority for Argentina´s foreign policy (with the exception of South Africa). Low density relations, lack of continuity. • In contrast to Brazilian foreign policy , Argentina´s policies were driven by ideological, political or commercial impulses. • Small number of African embassies and consulates in Argentina. • In recent years, intensification of relations, bilateral initiatives, particularly to increase staple foods production.

17. A geopoliticalintepretation and policyimplications

18. Clash of macro and micro-levels:geopolitics and personal aspirations • African migrations today happen overwhelmingly between neighbouring countries in the continent. • Preferred transcontinental destinations are the EU and USA. • Political complexities in the continent and in main exit points have increased the cost of migration routes. Migratory projects take longer, with more/longer pauses, informal periods in different points along the route. • Pivotal policy changes after 9/11 limited access to EU/USA. • Aspirations to leave (for those who can afford it) remain!

19. Post-9/11 Migratory Hardships • Hiked travel prices, need to resort to smuggling networks in certain routes - where possibly people and drug trafficking may also take place. Little data but worrying concern. • Need for networks of contacts in pit-stops and destination. • The journey becomes part of a personal goal and, in cases, a ‘rite of passage’ or a spiritual endeavors with social implications. Failure occurs. Going back often not an option. • Episodes of people stranded in the desert. Border extortion. Border turn-backs. Violent reactions (borders Mellilla / Ceuta). • Trans-Saharan migrant routes/prices have shown to react fairly quickly to major geopolitical changes in Africa / Europe.

20. In Africa: Migration Pressure • Less people able to leave (cost / legal limitations + same amount of people wanting to leave = Migration Pressure) • The EU has identified this trend and has attempted to ‘improve livelihoods’ at the source - while also exporting immigration policy to buffer countries. • Routes moving via Libya (standby), Tunisia, Morocco, Mauritania, Cape Verde. Preferential routes depend on current affairs, news of border status • EU/USA migration cooperation post-9/11, increasing lately.

21. Emergence of a new migration paradigm • Migration pressure at home (in Africa). • Fortress Europe (law, Frontex, EU/NATO in West Africa). • Continued/increased difficulty to enter US as low-skilled workers. Possible racial/religious bias in immigration chains. • Alternative/creative routes and destinations required. • Peripheral nodes of a novel global migration nexus: Argentina, but also others: Morocco, Cape Verde, Libya, Turkey, Cyprus… • From buffer countries to transit countries to settlement countries (?). Permanent state of transient. • Liminality of daily life. Strategies of invisibility.

22. Argentina and the ‘Fear of the Boat’ • African migrants construed as ‘Transit Migrants’. Mixed migration: economic, asylum seekers, and de facto refugees. • Cacophony of categorizations does not reflect the multitude and complexity of personal and social experiences. • Construed as arriving as ‘polizones’, thus transferring the ‘fear of the boat’, an anxiety for the ‘invasion’ (won’t happen). • Argentinean society’s dual reaction: • Curiosity/confusion (Africans here? Are they black Brazilian? Or Dominican? Or Haitian? Oh, they ‘re from Africa!? That’s far...!) • Dismay/apprehension (too many. They’re everywhere, don’t have jobs, hang in the street. Little Dakar in Buenos Aires!!!)

23. Expected Trends in African Migration • Migration is ancestral. Africa is extemporaneous. More barriers to inter-border crossing in Africa, as elsewhere. • Most of those who are mobile will move, within Africa. • Those who could already access the EU/USA will probably continue to do so (although with extra barriers). Those who could not before will find it harder. • It is possible that Argentina will be popularized as a destination (football, networks, any future legislation). Anecdotal mystique. Expensive migratory corridor likely to stay active, even if modest (costs high, language a barrier).

24. Trends Affecting African out-migration • Geopolitical mores continue to dictate results: • Post-9/11 policies restricting migration • Enhanced Schengen Agreement • Advent of Frontex • From the rubble of the North African Spring…? • Very heavy-handed tactics in Europe (legal, grey areas) • Significance of ‘asylum’ and ‘refuge’ being perverted. • >>> Migrant networks detecting geopolitics and choosing compromise solutions such as Brazil and Argentina (migration as a human right)

25. Other Internal Trends Inclusion is limited. Exclusion is selective (perceived occupation, social relations). Informality becomes the rule. Media Coverage and Public Opinion: • From human interest to an expression of concern • Questioning state’s response to the migrant flow • Public debate often polarized (which media report?) • Refugees and polizones vs. vendedores de baratillas Multicultural Nodes in the Urban Space: • Once / Plaza Misere / Little Dakar • Villa Gesell and the summer resorts of La Plata et al • Urban voids gaining new life through informality and increased exposure to multicultural points

26. Policy Implications • Broadening Argentina’s Immigration Policy: • Keynote: often less restrictive than EU / US / Canada / Australia • Keynote: No expulsions, non-refoulement • Keynote: Legal path to migration as a human right (next) • Amiss on fair path to settlement (temporary or permanent) • Instrumentalization of asylum laws in the absence of the above. • Multilateral agreements with regional bodies on issues of migration would enhance forms of cooperation • E.g. Mercosur - ECOWAS • Enacting effective border controls (ports, land border…)

28. Policy Implications • Smuggling and trafficking networks: • Fill in the void of regular options • Define strategies to identify and curb, e.g. Triple Frontera • Identify possible local complicity in border regions • Migration as a human right • The Argentine path: coalitions, joint legal action, law by law • Refuge and asylum in a South American context • Create a path to settlement, return validity to Asylum/Refuge • Capacity building (all national authorities, DNIs) • Measuring and enhancing integration policies

29. Thank you! ¡Gracias!