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Modal Doubling in Hong Kong Hokkien

Modal Doubling in Hong Kong Hokkien. Yin Ling Cheung Ph.D. Candidate in Linguistics Purdue University August 31, 2007. The Goal. To find out how modal doubling in Hong Kong Hokkien is represented. Outline. Introduction: location and language family Basic word order

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Modal Doubling in Hong Kong Hokkien

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  1. Modal Doubling in Hong Kong Hokkien Yin Ling Cheung Ph.D. Candidate in Linguistics Purdue University August 31, 2007

  2. The Goal • To find out how modal doubling in Hong Kong Hokkien is represented.

  3. Outline • Introduction: location and language family • Basic word order • Properties of Modal Doubling in Hokkien • Potential Analyses for Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Hokkien • Larsonian Structure to Account for Resultative Serial Verb Construction • Conclusion

  4. 1. Introduction: location and language family 2. Basic word order 3. Properties of Modal Doubling in Hokkien 4. Potential Analyses for Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Hokkien 5. Larsonian Structure to Account for Resultative Serial Verb Construction 6. Conclusion

  5. Location

  6. Language Family

  7. 1. Introduction: location and language family 2. Basic word order 3. Properties of Modal Doubling in Hokkien 4. Potential Analyses for Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Hokkien 5. Larsonian Structure to Account for Resultative Serial Verb Construction 6. Conclusion

  8. 2. Basic Word Order:Head-initial Language (1) i1 mia5-chia4 tsui5 dan5-go1 3s tomorrow make cake “S/he will make cakes tomorrow.” i1 mia5-chia4 tsui5 dan5-go1 3s tomorrow make cake “S/he will make cakes tomorrow.”

  9. 1. Introduction: location and language family 2. Basic word order 3. Properties of Modal Doubling in Hokkien 4. Potential Analyses for Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Hokkien 5. Larsonian Structure to Account for Resultative Serial Verb Construction 6. Conclusion

  10. Properties of Modal Doubling in Hokkien i. Do two modal elements involve in Modal Doubling? How many modality readings are allowed? ii. Does the doubled element have to be the same? iii. Is e7 the only modal element that allows doubling? iv. Does Modal Doubling only appear with serial verb constructions? v. If yes, which type of serial verb constructions co-exists with Modal Doubling?

  11. In (2), the sentence is ungrammatical when the two modal elements are different: (2) * i1 e7-tang3 dao5 e7 ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books Intended: ‘S/he will lift this box of books.’

  12. Modal elements conveying the meanings of possibility or necessity are e7-hiau3, e7-tang3,e7-yang8, e7-jit8, ko2-leng5, i-teng7-e7, and eng1-kai1. However, these cannot be doubled and the sentences are all considered as ungrammatical with modal doubling, as in the examples (3) – (9):

  13. (3) * i1 e7-hiau3 dao5 e7-hiau ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books Intended: ‘S/he can lift this box of books.’ (learnt skill) (4) * i1 e7-tang3 dao5 e7-tang3 ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books Intended: ‘S/he can lift this box of books.’ (capability) (5) * i1 e7-yang8 dao5 e7-yang8 ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books Intended: ‘S/he can lift this box of books.’ (permission) (6) * i1 e7-jit8 dao5 e7-jit8 ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books Intended: ‘S/he can lift this box of books.’ (permission) (7) * i1 ko2-leng5 dao5 ko2-leng5 ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books Intended: ‘S/he may lift this box of books.’ (possibility) (8) * i1 i-teng7-e7 dao5 i-teng-e7 ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books Intended: ‘S/he must lift this box of books.’ (necessity) (9) * i1 eng1-kai1 dao5 eng1-kai1 ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books Intended: ‘S/he should lift this box of books.’ (obligation)

  14. Example (10) shows that Modal Doubling is dependent on a two-verb serial verb construction: when a simple, single-verb sentence is used, Modal Doubling becomes ungrammatical: (10) * i1 e7 tui5 e7 he1-e1 min4 Prn.3s MOD push MOD DEM door [No reading available]

  15. Modal Doubling is only compatible with the resultative type of serial verb construction, as in (11). (11) i1 e7 dao5 e7 ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books ‘S/he will lift this box of books.’ (resultative; the speaker is 100% certain that the subject can do the action.) (12) * i1 e7 zi5 e7 mʌ8 tsia8 Prn.3s MOD1 cook MOD2 meat eat Intended: ‘S/he will cook and eat meat.’ (direct object sharing) (13)* i1 e7 mui5 hə2 e7 lai2 Prn.3s MOD1 buy fish MOD2 come Intended: ‘S/he will buy a fish and bring it.’ (directional)

  16. (14)* i1 e7 te1 do1 e7 tai1 he2 Prn.3s MOD1 take knife MOD2 cut-up fish Intended: ‘S/he will cut up a fish with a knife.’ (instrumental) (15)* i1 e7 kia1 ji8 bun4 e7 tse2 hi2 gua3 Prn.3s MOD1send ONE CL MOD2 book give prn.1s Intended: ‘S/he will send a book to me.’ (double object) (16)* i1 e7 hi8 ngaan7-ah1 e7 kia5 tsau6 Prn.3s MOD1 make children MOD2 fear bird Intended: ‘S/he will make the children afraid of the bird.’ (causative) (17)* i1 e7 lip8 he8-yi4 e7 kua1 he8 Prn.3s MOD1 enter cinema MOD2 see movie Intended: ‘S/he will go into the cinema to see a movie.’ (sequential)

  17. The Types of Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Hokkien (18) i1 dao5 ji8-Λ4-zi4 ki8 (resultative) Prn.3s take DET-CL-books rise ‘S/he lifts this box of books.’ (19) i1 zi5 mʌ8 tsia8 (direct object sharing) Prn.3s cook meat eat ‘S/he cooks and eats meat.’ (20) i1 mui5 hə2 lai2 (directional) Prn.3s buy fish come ‘S/he buys a fish and brings it.’ (21) i1 te1 do1 tai1 he2 (instrumental) Prn.3s take knife cut fish ‘S/he cuts up a fish with a knife.’ (22) i1 kia1 ji8 bun4 tse2 hi2 gua3 (double object) Prn.3s send NUM.ONE CL book give prn.1s ‘S/he sends a book to me.’ (23) i1 hi8 ngaan7-ah1 kia5 tsau6 (causative) Prn.3s make children fear bird ‘S/he makes the children afraid of the bird.’ (24) i1 lip8 he8-yi4 kua1 he8 (sequential) Prn.3s enter cinema see movie ‘S/he goes into the cinema to see a movie.’

  18. A-not-A question formation test To find out the head of the clause, that is, the main verb in a sentence, as examples (25) and (26) show: (25) i1 zi5 mʌ8 Prn.3s cook meat ‘S/he cooks the meat.’ (26) i1 zi5-m7-zi5 mʌ8 Prn.3s cook-NEG-cook meat ‘Will s/he cook the meat?’

  19. A-not-A question formation test tells us: SVCs in Hokkien fall into two groups: group A – resultative, direct object sharing, and directional SVCs – that does NOT allow A-not-A question formation on V2 and; group B – instrumental, double object, causative, and sequential SVCs – that allows A-not-A question formation on V2.

  20. 1. Introduction: location and language family 2. Basic word order 3. Properties of Modal Doubling in Hokkien 4. Potential Analyses for Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Hokkien 5. Larsonian Structure to Account for Resultative Serial Verb Construction 6. Conclusion

  21. 4. Potential Analyses for Hong Kong Hokkien • Law (1996) • Larson (1991) • Law (1996:200-1), when analysizing Mandarin, presents two types of serial verb constructions, as in (27) and (128). (27) NP1 [VP V1 NP2 [VP V2 ]] (28) NP1 [VP [VP V1 NP2 [VP V2 NP3]]

  22. (29) a. Ta song-le yi- ge xiangzi lai (Law, 1996:200) Prn.3s send-PERF NUM.ONE CL suitcase come ‘He sent over a suitcase.’ b. Ta na-le nei-ben shu zou (Law, 1996:200) Prn.3s hold-PERF DEM-CL book go ‘He took away that book.’ (30) a. Ta na dao qie-le rou (Law, 1996:200) Prn.3s hold knife cut-PERF meat ‘He cut the meat with a knife.’ b. Ta na yaoshi kai-le men (Law, 1996:200) Prn.3s hold key open-PERF door ‘He opened the door with a key.’

  23. In (27) the first verb takes as complement the VP headed by the second verb such as lai ‘come’ and zou ‘go’. In (28), the VP headed by the second verb such as qie ‘cut’ and kai ‘open’ in (30) is an adjunct to the VP headed by the first verb.

  24. Larson (1991:201-2) suggests that secondary predicates are daughters of V’, appearing in the configuration shown in (31) which is a resultative structure. (31) VP (Larson 1991:202) NP V’ Carol V VP e NP V’ her finger V AP rub raw Under Larson’s proposal, in (31), her finger receives a theta-role from rub and a theta-role from raw. Rub and raw therefore appear as sisters under a V’ which is predicated of her finger.

  25. In terms of syntactic properties, resultative SVC  direct object sharing & directional SVCs 1. Aspectual marking test (32) * John pa8 (V1) le8 ga5-chua5 si1 (V2) [resultative] John hit ASP cockroach die Intended: John has killed cockcroach. (33) i1 zi5 (V1) le8 mʌ8 tsia8 (V2) [direct object sharing] Prn.3s cook ASP meat eat ‘S/he eats meat she cooked.’ (34) il mui5 (V1) le8 hə2 lai2 (V2) [directional] Prn.3s buy ASP fish come ‘S/he bought a fish and brought it.’

  26. 2. Bare noun test (35) * John (NP1) pa8 (V1) ga4-chua5 (NP2) si1 (V2) [resultative] John hit cockroach die Intended: John hits and kills cockcroach. (36) John (NP1) zi5 (V1) mʌ8 (NP2) tsia8 (V2) [direct object sharing] John cook meat eat John cooks and eats meat. (37) John (NP1) mui5 (V1) hə2 (NP2) lai2 (V2) [directional] John buy fish come John buys and brings fish.

  27. 1. Introduction: location and language family 2. Basic word order 3. Properties of Modal Doubling in Hokkien 4. Potential Analyses for Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Hokkien 5. Larsonian Structure to Account for Resultative Serial Verb Construction 6. Conclusion

  28. 5. Using Larsonian Structure to Account for Resultative SVC We have VP as the sister to V0, the first verb dao5 ‘take’ takes the VP with the second verb ki8 ‘rise’ as the complement. (38) VP NP1 V’ John V0 VP NP2 V dao5 ji8-Λ4-zi4 ki8 John take this-box-of-book rise ‘John lifts this box of books.’

  29. MD is a relation between heads: MOD1 and MOD2. • Given VP is a complement to V0 and MD is a result of head to head movement → the two modal elements have to be the same. (39) IP D I I0 MOD1P MOD10 VP V0 MOD2P MOD20 VP i1 e7dao5 e7ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 3s MOD1 take MOD2rise DET-CL-books ‘S/he will lift this box of books.’ (The speaker is 100% certain that the subject can do the action.)

  30. (40) John e7 dao5 e7 ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 John MOD take MOD rise this-box-of-book ‘John will lift this box of books.’ (The speaker is 100% certain that the subject will do the action.) (41) John e7 dao5 e7 ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 John MOD take MOD rise this-box-of-book ‘John will lift this box of books.’ (The speaker is 100% certain that the subject will do the action.)

  31. 1. Introduction: location and language family 2. Basic word order 3. Properties of Modal Doubling in Hokkien 4. Potential Analyses for Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Hokkien 5. Larsonian Structure to Account for Resultative Serial Verb Construction 6. Conclusion

  32. 6. Conclusion • I have identified Modal Doubling in Hong Kong Hokkien → only restricted to resultative SVC.

  33. 6. Conclusion (cont’d) • The main properties in e7 modal doubling include: - there are two modal elements in Modal Doubling with only single modality reading allowed; - the doubled modal element must be the same; - e7 is the only modal that allows doubling; - Modal Doubling can only appear with resultative type of SVC.

  34. The A-not-A question formation tells us that these seven types of serial verb constructions fall into two group: - resultative, direct object sharing, directional (group A); instrumental, double object, causative, and sequential (group B). • Group A does not allow A-not-A question formation to target V2 whereas Group B allows.

  35. Law’s (1996) structures can account for group A type of constructions and also to explain the constructions in group B.

  36. I have proposed a Larsonian structure to explain resultative SVC, but not direct object sharing and directional SVCs because resultative fits into Larson’s proposal with VP as a sister to V0.

  37. In direct object sharing and directional SVCs, instead of having VP as a sister to V0, NP2 as a sister to V0. This means that direct object sharing and directional SVCs fail to fit into the Larsonian structure.

  38. The Larsonian structure for resultative SVC allows for a structural position for both modal heads, in that way accounting for modal doubling with resultative SVC in Hokkien.

  39. Modal Doubling in Hong Kong Hokkien Yin Ling Cheung Ph.D. Candidate in Linguistics Purdue University August 31, 2007

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