Clifford Geertz 1926-

1. Clifford Geertz 1926- • 1926 Born San Francisco • 1950 BA Antioch College Ohio studying English and Philosophy • 1950 Meets Margaret Mead and decides enrolls in anthropology at Harvard • 1952-54 to Java as part of a research team with the explicit goal of improving economic growth • 1956 PhD. on religion and social change in Java

2. 1960The Religion of Java • 1963 Peddlers and Princes • a study in how religion plays a role in adopting to economic change • 1963 Agricultural Involution • a macro-economic examination of Indonesia’s economic problems • 1965 The Social History of an Indonesian Town • A synthesis of political and economic development in the community from its mid 19tyh century establishment to the late 1950s.

3. 1960-70, the University of Chicago 1965 until the early 1970s, periodic fieldwork in Sefrou Morocco. 1968 Islam Observed 1973 The Interpretation of Cultures 1983 Local Knowledge: Further essays in interpretive anthropology 1988 Works and lives: The anthropologist as author.

4. Thick Description Toward and Interpretive Theory of Culture “The concept of culture I espouse…is essentially a semiotic one. Believing, with Max Weber, that man is an animal suspended in webs of significance he himself has spun, I take cultures to be those webs, and the analysis of it to be therefore not an experimental science in search of law, but an interpretive one in search of meaning”. (Geertz 1973:5)

5. Geertz’ Interpretive Anthropology: • PREMISE: “man is an animal suspended in webs of significance he himself has spun” and our name for those webs is culture • CONCLUSION: “the analysis of it therefore is not an experimental science in search of law but an interpretive one in search of meaning”

6. THICK DESCRIPTION A wink or a twitch

7. “between what Ryle calls the "thin description" of what the rehearser (parodist, winker, twitcher . . .) is doing (“rapidly contracting his right eyelids”) and The "thick description" of what he is doing ("practicing a burlesque of a friend faking a wink to deceive an innocent into thinking a conspiracy is in motion") lies the object of ethnography: a stratified hierarchy of meaningful structures in terms of which twitches, winks, fake-winks, parodies, rehearsals of parodies are produced, perceived, and interpreted

8. Unraveling and identifying those context and meanings requires “thick description:. • Geertz argues that this is precisely what ethnographic writing does • Unlike many postmodernists (for whom there can be no theory), Geertz seeks to situate interpretive or semiotic anthropology in an historical matrix (harking back to Weber and Sapir)...

9. “Anthropological writings are themselves interpretations, and second and third-order ones to boot. (By definition, only a ‘native’ makes first-order ones: it’s his culture). They are, thus, fictions; fictions in the sense that they are ‘something made’, ‘something fashioned... not that they are false...” • Case example: the story of Cohen, as recounted by Cohen in 1965.

10. PLAYERS & CULTURAL CONCEPTS 1. Cohen — Jewish trader (spoke Thamazighth [Berber], Arabic and French) with a shop near Sefru 2. Capitaine Dumari — French commander of the town of Sefru and its environs 3. Marmusha (Imarmushen) — Transhumant Berber tribe of the Middle Atlas, in 1912 unpacified by the French * * * mezrag: pact in an inter-tribal code of trading honor, in areas of siba (highland Berber tribes, beyond government control) — those linked by such a pact can move and trade unmolested and their deals will be enforced by the shaikhs of the tribes ‘ār: indemnity for a wrong (blood feud, or violation of a mezrag pact) — failure to pay reflects shame on the shaikh

12. THE STORY OF COHEN • Date: 1912. French control lowland Morocco. Seek to pacify Berber tribes of the Middle Atlas. To this end, prohibit mezrag. • Cohen’s shop near Sefru robbed. Cohen is injured, robbed, & 2 guests killed by a raiding party of Marmusha tribesmen • Cohen asks Dumari’s permission to go to Marmusha shaikh & claim the ‘ār. Dumari can’t give written permission but gives verbal permission: “If you get killed, it’s your problem.” • Marmusha chief agrees Cohen has ‘ār coming to him; goes with Cohen & group of henchmen & collects an indemnity of 500 sheep from the clan of the thieves/murderers • Cohen passes by a French fort on Marmusha border with his 500 sheep and is stopped by the commandant. When asked what his sheep are, he says “they’re my ‘ār.” Commandant concludes he is a spy and imprisons him.

13. Ait Mgild tents, Middle Atlas

14. Geertz’ anthropological interpretation of this story = the “sorting out of the structure[s] of signification... distinguishing three unlike frames of interpretation (Jewish, Berber, French)... and why in a particular circumstance “their copresence produced a situation in which systematic misunderstanding reduced traditional form to social farce... i.e. what tripped Cohen up.

15. “...ethnography is thick description. What the ethnographer is in fact faced with — except when (as of course, he must do) he is pursuing the more automatized routines of data collection — is a multiplicity of complex conceptual structures, many of them superimposed upon or knotted into one another, which are at once strange, irregular, and inexplicit, and which he must contrive somehow first to grasp and then to render...

16. “Doing ethnography is like trying to read (in the sense of constructing a reading of) a manuscript-foreign, faded, full of ellipses, incoherencies, suspicious emendations, and tendentious commentaries, but written not in conventional graphs of sound but in transient examples of shaped behaviour”.(1973:10)”

17. What Culture is Not • A semiotic emphasis does not give priority to technology or to any other conception of the nature/culture interface • culture does not exist in some superorganic realm subject to forces and objectives of its own • culture cannot be reified. • culture is Neither “brute behaviour” or “mental construct” subject to schematic analyses or reducibility to ethnographic algorithms. • .

18. What Culture is • Culture consists of socially established structures of meaning, with which people communicate; it is inseparable from symbolic social discourse • Culture is Public because “meaning is,” and systems of meanings are what produce culture, they are the collective property of a particular people • Culture is Symbolic • Culture is Communication • Meaning is contextual • Culture is Complex • Culture is an assemblage of texts

19. Culture is the fabric of meaning in terms of which human beings interpret their experience and guide their action; social structure is the form that action takes, the actually existing network of social relations. Culture and social structure are then but different abstraction from the same phenomena. (Geertz 1973:145). the method of the “interpretive anthropologist” (who accepts a semiotic view of culture) is similar to the method of literary critique analyzing a text

20. Javanese Funeral. “Ritual and Social Change : A Javanese Example (1957) Funeral parade

21. religion in Java is a syncretic mix of Islam and Hinduism overlain on an indigenous SE Asian animism • Hindu gods and goddesses, Moslem prophets and saints, and local spirits and demons all found a proper place • This balance has been upset increasingly during the 20th century as conservative Islamic religious nationalism crystallized in opposition to a secular, Marxist nationalism which appealed to pre-Islamic, Hinduist-animist “indigenous” religions

22. In post-independence Indonesia, political parties formed along these dividing lines: • Masjumi became the conservative Islamic party and Permai, the anti-Islamic mix of Marxism and nativism.

23. The mood of a Javanese funeral is not one of hysterical bereavement, unrestrained sobbing, or even of formalized cries of grief for the deceased’s departure (1973:154). • Rather, it is a calm, undemonstrative, almost languid letting go, a brief ritualized relinquishment of a relationship no longer possible • This willed serenity and detachment depends on the smooth execution of a proper ceremony that seamlessly combines Islamic, Hindu and indigenous beliefs and rituals. Javanese believe that it is the suddenness of emotional turmoil that causes damage

24. But in this particular case, the dead boy was from a household loosely affiliated with the Permai party, and when the Islamic village religious leader was called to direct the ceremony, he refused citing the presence of a Permai political poster on the door and arguing that it was inappropriate for him to perform the ceremony of “another” religion. • At that moment the self-willed and culturally defined composure surrounding the death-unraveled • Geertz describes the emotional chaos that ensued, tracing its roots to a central ambiguity: religious symbols had become political symbols and vice-versa, which combined sacred and profane and created “an incongruity between the cultural framework of meaning and the patterning of social interaction

25. It’s an example of thick description Nothing about this case, its selection, its historical background, the political dimensions, the cultural expectations, the motives of distraught family and neighbors, none can be explained except by exposing “… a multiplicity of conceptual structures, many of them superimposed upon or knotted into one another, which are at once strange irregular, and inexplicit, and which the anthropologists must contrive to somehow first to grasp and then to render” (1973:10).

26. Geertz distinguishes the experiences –nearer native point of view from the experience-distant realm of social theorists and argues that the ethnographer’s task is to explicate the links between the two. • The presentation of ethnographic interpretations as observed facts simply reflects the selection of a genre, not an epistemological reality • His method involves a case study ( a better sense than ethnography which implies a traditionally formatted overview of a culture) of an extrapolation of meaning system ie. Culture, from a localized place or event, usually in essay format

27. Deep Play: The Balinese Cockfight

28. It is not just cocks that are fighting but men • Cocks are masculine symbols • The word cock is used metaphorically to mean bachelor, lady-killer, tough guy etc

29. The Balinese cockfight, is fundamentally a dramatization of status concerns. • nothing really happens at a cockfight.

30. The conflicts, alliances, wins and losses are all symbolic of things that happen elsewhere. • In the cockfight all action is symbolic. • The real causes lie elsewhere, presumably in material circumstances.

31. Questions • If cultural knowledge is inherently interpretive, how can we invalidate the truth of an interpretation since there are potentially as many true interpretations as there are members of a culture? • I.e. If ethnography is interpretation how can we know that interpretation is correct. • Most of us cannot go to Bali or northern Morocco and check the interpretation • We need some other ways to evaluate the ethnographer’s claims but what are they?

32. In traditional ethnographies we could search for various validation points: • is the ethnographer fluent in the local language, • did she live in the culture for an extended period • was he or she methodical or biased in their observations? • Were the informants representative of a larger culture?

33. if all such claims are equally valid, then the most anthropology can hope for is to create a rich documentary of multiple interpretations, none denied and none privileged. • This means that it cannot be a science since it cannot generalize from truth statements or tests the statements against empirical data; the nature of culture precludes this

34. Geertz triggered a profound rethinking of the anthropological enterprise • forced anthropologists to become aware of the cultural contexts they interpret and the ethnographic texts they create. • He is also touched off a major debate in about the fundamental nature of anthropology • The Interpretation of Cultures was catalyst for a debate in anthropology • Whatis the nature of culture? • How is it distinct from social structure? • How is culture understood? • What is the relationship between observer and observed? • how are interpretations constructed by the anthropologist who works in turn from the interpretations of his informants

35. These Issues arose against a backdrop of a changing world and world view • new Third World nations that emerged after WWII • interconnected world in which there were no uncontacted societies living in Eden-like isolation • As independence movements transformed former colonial subjects into new national citizens, intergroup conflicts intensified as power was reconfigured and new governments exerted their control • In the face of such change, the idea of functionally integrated societies was difficult to maintain since there were no isolated societies and little evidence of equilibrium

36. The anthropologist’s role had changed as well • Instead of studying an isolated society for a year or two and returning to be the expert on their people, anthropologists were working in communities and institutions in the US, Europe and developing countries among people who had their own story to tell and means to tell the, • The relationships between anthropologists and informants also changed, sparking a self-examination of the nature of anthropological inquiry

37. POSTMODERNITY

38. THE ITERATION OF ANERA AFTER THE MODERN • Anthropological theory largely developed on the assumption that the ‘Modern’ paradigm of society • mass, industrial societies± democratic and pluralistic • was the evolutionary end-point of all social change • But by the mid ’80s many social theorists began to posit a post-modern era

39. MODERNIZATION THEORYIN SOCIOLOGY & ECONOMICS pre- modern primitive traditional modern • predominantly urban society in a democratic nation-state • thriving industrial economy tweaked by restrained government intervention • secular education provided by state • consumer economy taken-for-granted: the ‘modern’ patternis the end-point of social evolution the notion that afurther pattern ofsocial economywould follow wasunconsidered

40. THE POSTMODERN ECONOMY footloose capital — ability of corporations to relocate manufacturing facilities rapidly andcheaply Volkswagen assembly plant, Cuernavaca, Mexico

41. THE POSTMODERN ECONOMY global reach of capital — multinational corporations diffuse similar goods and tastes worldwide MacDonald’s in Beijing

42. THE POSTMODERN ECONOMY relative cheapness of transport of goods makes distance increasingly irrelevant Container port, Kobe, Japan

43. THE POSTMODERN ECONOMY world transport networks erode political barriers Convoys trucking goods to Baghdad at height of UN embargo

44. THE POSTMODERN ECONOMY goods that enhance individual autonomy find their way to the remotest corners of the Earth

45. THE POSTMODERN ECONOMY worldwide shift from heavy industrial economy to service and information economy in information economy, jobs can ‘come to people’ (reversal of pattern of the industrial age)

46. THE POSTMODERN ECONOMY inexpensive communications equipment enable people to bypass governments’ control over information

47. THE POSTMODERN ECONOMY inexpensive travel allows global contact on a regular basis

48. CHEAP, ACCESSIBLE, COMMUNI-CATIONS TECHNOLOGIES ERODEESTABLISHED AUTHORITY & EMPOWERNEW & COMPETING FORMS OF AUTHORITY mimeographed leaflets and posters — the ‘modern’ technology to attack state authority cassette players and tapes — sermons of Imam Khomeni diffused throughout Iran prior to fall of Shah’s regime videocams — crucial in filming repressions during collapse of USSR & DDR, Tienamin Square crackdown, Rodney King beating computers — major source of communication for all counter-cultural and revolutionary movements in the world

49. THE POSTMODERN ECONOMY worldwide diffusion & marketing of commodities

50. THE POSTMODERN ECONOMY worldwide diffusion & marketing of commodities Street market, Kumasi, Ghana