Topic and Focus in Old French V1 and V2 structures

1. Topic and Focus in Old French V1 and V2 structures Marie Labelle (UQAM) & Paul Hirschbühler (U. d’Ottawa)

2. Problem • Traditional analysis: Old French = V2 of the Germanic type : • V2 in CP  : [CP XP V [TP ….]] (e.g. Adams, Vance…) (or V2 in TP  : [TP XP V [VP ….]] (e.g. Lemieux)) • Rinke & Meisel (2009) : Old French as Topic initial  : • V under T; SpecTP = Topic : [TP XPTop V [VP …...]Foc ] • R&M: “[Subject] inversion in Old French is contingent on the topicalisation of a non-subject constituent” (like contemp. It., Sp., Port.) • R&M: “An incompatibility of the post-verbal subject with an interpretation as information focus or as part of a thetic sentence would cause the subject to move to the pre-verbal position.” (p.17)

3. Rinke & Meisel German Old French Preverbal constituent topic adverb that links with the previous discourse (+/- topic) Postverbal subject (part of the) focus (based on Villehardouin & Les 7 sages de Rome, beginning 13th c.) • Preverbal constituent • topic • informational focus • contrastive focus • adverbthatisneithertopicnor focus • Postverbal subject • topic • (part of the) focus

4. Old High German(Hinterhölzl & Petrova) • Hinterhölzl & Petrova (2005, 2010) : • « ... the position of the finite verb serves to distinguish the information-structural domains of Topic and Focus in sentences of the Old High German period. » (2005:2) • verb-second = topic initial : [XPgiv/acc]TOP [Vfin ...…]COMMENT/FOCUS • verb-initial = all focus : [Vfin…XPnew…]FOCUS • (Modern German = grammaticalization of V2) Hinterhölzl & Petrova. 2005. Rhetorical Relations and Verb Placement in Early Germanic Languages : Evidence from the Old High German Tatian Translation (9th century)

5. Aims of the study • Evaluate the hypothesis that, in Old French, the preverbal position hosts topics & that constituents belonging to the focus remain in postverbal position. • Identify and date eventual grammatical changes in the discursive functions of preverbal elements and postverbal subjects. • Evaluate the possibility that a Topic-first stage intervened in the transition from V2 to SVO: V2 > Topic first > Subject first

6. Definitions Topic • “The topic constituent identifies the entity or set of entities under which the information expressed in the comment constituent should be stored in the [Common Ground] content.” (Krifka 2007 Basic notions of information structure) • Typically a definite constituent, referring to an entity given in the discourse or accessible.

7. Information focus • Pragmatic principle of progression (e.g. Charolles 1978): If a sentence is to be informative, it must contain material that is new in relation to previously known information. • The part of the sentence containing new information that should be stored in the common ground. • Gundel & Fretheim (2004) : Topic/Information Focus = Theme/Rheme, Topic/Comment... : relationally given/new information respectively. (In Handbook of Pragmatic Theory.)

8. DefinitionsInformation focus • Some sentences may be all-focus (Thetic) • e.g. presentative sentences: There are two cats in the garden. • Büring (2005:5): not all the information in a comment is new: A: When did [Aristotle Onassis]Topic marry Jacqueline Kennedy? B: [He]Topic [married her [in 1968]Focus]]Comment (Krifka 2007: ex. 41) « a focused expression would be an informative part of the sentence, a backgrounded one an uninformative one. »

9. DefinitionsContrastive Focus • Contrastive Focus : “material which the speaker calls to the addressee’s attention, thereby often evoking a contrast with other entities that might fill the same position.” (Gundel & Fretheim 2004) (Krifka 2007: Focus indicates the presence of alternatives that are relevant for the interpretation of linguistic expressions.)

10. DefinitionsContrastive Focus • Contrastive Focus : “material which the speaker calls to the addressee’s attention, thereby often evoking a contrast with other entities that might fill the same position.” (Gundel & Fretheim 2004) (Krifka 2007: Focus indicates the presence of alternatives that are relevant for the interpretation of linguistic expressions.) • May be marked by expressions like: even, only, also

11. DefinitionsContrastive Focus • Contrastive Focus : “material which the speaker calls to the addressee’s attention, thereby often evoking a contrast with other entities that might fill the same position.” (Gundel & Fretheim 2004) (Krifka 2007: Focus indicates the presence of alternatives that are relevant for the interpretation of linguistic expressions.) • May be marked by expressions like: even, only, also • A contrastive focus may be part of a topic. • A: What do your siblings do? • B: [My [SIster]Focus]Topic [studies MEDicine]Focus, and [my [BROther]Focus]Topic is [working on a FREIGHT ship]Focus.

12. The corpus • 19 parsed Old French texts dated between 980 and 1309 (7 in verse, 12 in prose – from MCVF & Penn supplement) • All positive declarative matrix IP’s with a full DP subject • V1 and V2 clauses only

13. V1 clauses Are post-verbal subjects in V1 clauses always (part of) the focus of the clause?

14. V1 clauses other than thosewhere V introduces direct discourse* • Taking into account the context, coding of subjects as being • T = Topics; F = (part of) Information Focus; Unclear (Only strict V1 clauses considered, i.e. not introduced by a coordinator) *These will be discussed independently.

15. V1 clauses other than thosewhere V introduces direct discourse* • Taking into account the context,we coded subjects as being • T = Topics; F = (part of) Information Focus; Unclear • “It does not seem that the postverbal position in V1 sentences is pragmatically specialized.” (Rouveret 2004: 196) (Only strict V1 clauses considered, i.e. not introduced by a coordinator) *These will be discussed independently.

16. Examples Topic subjects • Curecerent s' en les princes des Philistiens get-angry-PST refl-gen the princes of the Philistians ‘Got angry at this the princes of the Philistians’ (1170-QLR1-2,.1332) • Cunuit Brandans a l' air pluius ‘knew Brendan from the wet wind Que li tens ert mult annüus. ‘that the weather was very worrysome’ (1120-BRENDAN,56.675)

17. Orange underline: prose texts • Alternation between Topic & Focus before 1200 • V1 declaratives disappear around 1200. • When they re-emerge at the end of the 13th c., the subjects seem to • be foci; but few examples.

18. V1 with verbs introducing direct discourse • VS = V1 • Dit Roland: « ... » • SVX = V2 with preverbal subject • Roland dit: « ... » • XVS = V2 with a postverbal subject • Ço dit Roland: « ... » = preverbal object • Donc dit Roland: « ... » = preverbal adverb • Same informational function of the subject: signal a new speaker or a change of speaker

19. Excluded (subjectalways postverbal): • Parentheticals: "Deus",dist li quens, "or ne saijo que face." (1100-ROLAND,148.2000) • Clauses following the direct discourse: "Si fus," (ce) dist li empereres. (1267-CASSIDORUS,659.4349)

20. Subjects of verbs introducing direct discourse are almost always definite

21. VS sentences were replaced, not by XVS sentences, but by SVX sentences.

22. V2 clauses

23. Rinke & Meisel German Old French Preverbal constituent topic adverb that links with the previous discourse (+/- topic) Postverbal subject (part of the) focus (based on Villehardouin & Les 7 sages de Rome, beginning 13th c.) • Preverbal constituent • topic • contrastive focus • informational focus • adverbthatisneithertopicnor focus • Postverbal subject • topic • (part of the) focus

24. Can a contrastive focus be preverbal? YES.

25. Contrastive focus - subjects • Meïsmes la pucele y fu, ‘even the girl was there’ (1267-CASSIDORUS,149.1211) • Sul David é Jonathas le sourent. ‘only David and Jonathan knew it’ (1170 QLR1-2,.757) • nes li oisel s' an istront fors; ‘even the birds will leave’(1170-YVAIN,13.394)

26. Contrastive focus – non-subjects • Meïsmes a l' empereour sont les lermes venues aus yex, ‘even to the emperor have the tears come to the eyes’ (1267-CASSIDORUS,664.4447) • Et li jorz meïsmes fu emprise la queste dou saint Graal ... ‘and that very day was started the quest for the holy Grail’ (1225-QUESTE,104.2769) Example with a null subject : • del tranchant, non mie del plat, le fiert ... ‘with the cutting edge, not with the flat side, (he) hits him’ (1170-YVAIN,128.4433)

27. Subjects • Given that: • Definite subjects tend to be topics; • Indefinite subjects make bad topics & are often found in thetic sentences; • Is there a tendency to find definite subjects preverbally and indefinite subjects postverbally?

28. Strictly V2 clauses:

29. Whether preverbally or postverbally, definite subjects strongly dominate. • A large number of the post-verbal definite subjects should be topics. (Not quantified)

30. Indefinite subjects appear more often in postverbal position: Total number of indefinites: 192. Increase in tendency of indef. sbj. to appear in postverbal position:

31. Can preverbal subjects be part of the information focus? YES.

32. Examples Preverbal indefinite subjects = focus • Uns seinz hermites i maneit ‘A saint hermit lived there’ (1180-MARIE-DE-FRANCE,182.3715) • Une musteile vint curant, ‘A weasel came running’ (1180-MARIE-DE-FRANCE,187.3815) • Doi gentil homme du paÿs, qui pas ne l' amoient, saillirent hors a un trespas, ‘Two gentlemen of the country, who didn’t like him, jumped out at a passage’ (1267-CASSIDORUS,643.4056)

33. Preverbal constituents that can’t be topics & are part of information focus Adj, Q, Pred, Non-finite V

34. Preverbal Q, non finite V • QP: Mut est LanvalTop en grant esfreie! ‘much is Lanval in great fright’ (1180-Marie de France, 78.1592) • nfV: Trenchet li ad li quensTop le destre poign, cut him has the count the right hand ‘The count cut his right hand’ (1100 Roland,142.1926)

35. Preverbal adj, pred. • adj: Malade ot geü longuemant la pucele, ‘sick has laid a-long-time the girl’ (1177-YVAIN,177.6235) • prd: Male chose est murmure, ‘bad thing is whisper’ (1279-SOMME-ROYAL,1,64.1758)

36. Objects • Is a preverbal object an informational topic or focus? • There was a change.

37. Work of Marchello-Nizia (1995) • Roland (1100) [verse] OV(S) extremely frequent, all types of O’s • O more often rhematic than thematic (M-N. p. 99-100) • Queste (1225) [prose] OV(S) more limited; serves to • thematize the O • place the rheme in first position (marked) • in expressions of type donner conseil (give advice) • when O is modified by an intensifier like grant (great), maint (many) (Same found by Zaring (2010) for OV with non-finite verbs)

38. 253 preverbal objects Preverbal objects tend to be focus before 1220 and topics afterwards.

39. Preverbal indefinite focus object • .XX. escheles ad li reis anumbrees. ‘twenty columns has the king counted’ (1100-ROLAND,112.1459) • et divers chanz chantoit chascuns; ‘and various songs sang each one’ (1170-YVAIN,15.453)

40. Preverbal definite focus object • La main destre leva adonques la dame, ‘The hand right raised then the lady’ (1177 Yvain,202.7065) • La maniere comment il pristrent la cité de Baudas et le calife nous conterent les marcheans; ‘The manner how they took the city of Baudas and the calife told us the merchants’(1309 Joinville,289.3370)

41. Preverbal adverbials and PP’s • Are they topics? • Preverbal adverbs & PP are rarely the topic. • They may (or not) link with the previous discourse. • Postverbal definite subjects tend to be topics (still to quantify)

42. Preverbal focus PP • En grant effrei erent amdui. ‘In great fright were both (of them)’ (1180-MARIE-DE-FRANCE,20.359) • Here the PP is clearly the informational focus • The post-verbal subject is the topic.

43. Preverbal PP linking with discourse • Por ce panse mes sire Yvains qu' il l' ocirra premieremant; ‘For this thinks my lord Yvains that he will kill him first’ (1177-YVAIN,102.3563) • Del colp chancelad li gluz ‘At the blow faltered the giant’ (1170 QLR1-2,.470) • The postverbal subjects are the topics; • The preverbal PP may link with the previous discourse without being the topic.

44. Preverbal adv + topic subject • Si demora laienz Perceval avec s' antain. ‘thus stayed there Perceval with his aunt’ (1225-QUESTE,107.2806) • donc pres Lethgiers a predier, ‘ thus starts Leger to pray’ (0980-SAINT-LEGER,XXXI.206) • Puis vaitli emfes l' emperethur servir. ‘then goes the child the emperor to serve’ (1090-SAINT-ALEXIS,7.80)

45. Is there an evolution? • What is the distribution of preverbal constituents in V2 sentences with a full DP subject? (6336 clauses)

46. Only V2 clauses not introduced by a coordinator Other = acc, dat, adj, pred, non-fin V. Means XP V : Verse: sbj = 55%; avp+pp = 31%; other = 14% Prose: sbj = 57%; avp+pp = 39%; other = 5%)

47. Sentences of type : coord XP V Coord = et, ou, mais, car (/que)

48. Stronger tendency of coordinated sentences to be SVX. Coord. = et, ou, mais, car (/que)

49. All V2 sentences: strictly V2 + coord. V2 Coord.: et, ou, mais, car (/que) Means XP V : Verse: sbj = 58%; avp+pp = 29%; other = 17% Prose: sbj = 64%; avp+pp = 33%; other = 5%)

50. XP V and coord XP V: