Democracy Under Pressure

1. Democracy Under Pressure Chapter 10 Political Campaigns and Candidates

2. Political Campaigns and Candidates Americans watching television in 2004 were exposed to campaign advertisements. George W. Bush and John Kerry attacked one another with their ads over issues of the war on terrorism, taxes, and Kerry's Vietnam service record. In most political commercials, objectivity is not the point. They are designed to sell a product-the candidate-and get people to buy that product in the voting booth.

3. Political Campaigns and Candidates Television commercials are an important aspect of modern political campaigns and are seen by millions of viewers. In 2000 and 2004 the candidates showed up on talk and entertainment shows to a greater extent than had past presidential hopefuls. George W. Bush planted a kiss on Oprah Winfrey and John Kerry appeared on Jay Leno. Such shows allow the candidates to show their "human side."

4. Political Campaigns and Candidates During the 1992 campaign, all three major candidates appeared on the talk show circuit. Bill Clinton played saxophone on Arsenio Hall. George and Laura Bush appeared on Dr. Phil. They show up on television because it offers the surest means to reach a large number of people. Electronic media, especially TV, have dramatically changed American campaigns since 1948. William McKinley's "front porch" campaign has been replaced by ad agencies or consultants generating ten-second spots.

5. Political Campaigns and Candidates Candidates may adopt various venues since TV is so essential to modern campaigns. Televised debates have been used since 1960. Carefully staged question-and-answer sessions were designed to display personality and grasp of issues. Candidate regional travels were tailored to reach statewide and local TV evening news viewers. In 2000 and 2004, major candidates had Internet Web sites to raise money and recruit volunteers.

6. Political Campaigns and Candidates The campaign is the battleground for power and victory depends on how the battle is fought. Because of the use of television, campaigns are expensive: An estimated $4 billion was spent in 2000 and another $5 billion in 2004.

7. Democracy Under Pressure How Campaigns Are Organized

8. How Campaigns Are Organized They are little more than organized chaos. A national temporary cadre of professionals and volunteers forms the base for the complex effort. The candidate is in the eye of a hurricane full of stump speeches, handshaking, and being jostled by the press, crowds, camera crews, local politicos and campaign aides. The pace is physically exhausting and stress is high for fear a slip of the tongue could cost an election.

9. How Campaigns Are Organized Success for a candidate depends on the campaign organization. Ultimate success depends on many variables: charisma, smiles and appearance, the issues, the number of registered Democrats and Republicans, a sudden foreign-policy crisis, and even the weather.

10. How Campaigns Are Organized The candidate must have a campaign manager and a professional political consultant. Additionally, there must be: Fund-raisers, a media team to handle advertising and television, and a press secretary. Personal appearance planners, speech-writers, state and regional coordinators, and volunteer support groups. All of these need to be coordinated at the national, state, and local levels. When a candidate wins, campaign operatives get key jobs in the new administration if they wish to serve. George W. Bush named many of his campaign staff to White House positions.

11. How Campaigns Are Organized Incumbents enjoys real advantages: Trappings of the office and the aura of the presidency help their effort. They can give contracts to get support in key states. In 2004, George W. Bush funneled more than $12 billion in emergency aid to hurricane-stricken Florida in the midst of his campaign. Appearances are carefully orchestrated. The Secret Service checks for security, the advance staff displays the crowds for the TV cameras. President can get on TV being presidential in a crisis and signing treaties.

12. Democracy Under Pressure Campaign Strategy

13. Aiming for the Undecided Studies have indicated that many voters are committed to one candidate or another in advance of the campaign. Polsby and Wildavsky contend that campaigns don't change voters' minds, but reinforce preconceptions.

15. Aiming for the Undecided In close elections, the undecided can be essential. Two-thirds of voters identify with one of the two major parties. Candidates try to preserve their base while winning over the independents and the undecided.

16. Aiming for the Undecided Nimmo and Savage argue that "there is a close relationship between candidate images and voting behavior," and those images can change during the campaign. They contend that image particularly makes a difference among independent voters, who are more likely to shift impressions during a campaign. Voters construct their own individual view of the campaign, interpreting the symbols presented to them and drawing on their own experiences.

17. Aiming for the Undecided Nie, Verba, and Petrocik argue that the public responds to the political stimuli of the campaign, but also the issues of the day and the way they are presented. DeVries and Tarrance, examining ticket-splitters, conclude that candidates must use campaigns to communicate the issues of the day. Today's campaign strategists target voters by battleground states, or on specific categories like age and race.

18. Which Road to the White House? Long before the general election, serious presidential contenders must enter the bruising arena of the primaries. In 2004, John Kerry lagged behind rivals until his victory in the Iowa caucuses. The candidate who wins the largest number of primary states does not always win the nomination. For example, Walter Mondale won fewer states than Gary Hart in 1984, but still won the nomination.

19. Which Road to the White House? Primaries can help with name recognition for unknown candidates like Jimmy Carter in 1976. Virtually all candidates are compelled to take the primary route. The prenomination candidate organizations are as large as the general election organizations of the winners.

20. Where and How to Campaign After winning the nomination, candidates spend more of their time campaigning in pivotal states with large electoral vote potentials. Nixon's presidential campaigns provide a case study on the importance of targeting states for campaigning. In 1960 he vowed to campaign in all 50 states, did so, and lost. In 1968 he only campaigned in ten populous "battleground" states, southern states that could be taken from George Wallace, and the border states. This time, he won.

21. Where and How to Campaign Television has influenced the course of campaigning. It puts candidates in danger of assassination (JFK, Bobby Kennedy, Ford, and George Wallace). Media blitzes end national campaigns with saturation campaign ads. Campaigns help keep the voters excited and party volunteers involved.

22. The President As Candidate Although presidents have been defeated when they ran for reelection, incumbents still have advantages. Incumbents have the prestige of the office. Incumbents have a large, proven campaign organization. They have White House press facilities to manipulate as needed. The incumbent can be presidential doing his job and get free coverage. The president can get grants for a state to help win support. He can use foreign policy crisis to show his leadership; for example, Clinton's cruise missile attacks against Iraq during Campaign '96.

23. The President As Candidate Sometimes an incumbent will seem so far ahead that the "Rose Garden Strategy" will be adopted, keeping them above the political fray. Carter accused Ford of hiding in the Rose Garden in 1976. In 1980 Carter tried the Rose Garden strategy and ultimately lost. George W. Bush did not use the "Rose Garden Strategy". Instead, he went on the campaign trail.

24. Democracy Under Pressure The Issues

25. The Issues Candidates lay claim to certain issues, seeking an advantage over their opponents. Campaign themes are shaped, to a large extent, by such factors as: Whether the candidate is of the in party or the out party. Candidates, having to defend the record of the previous administration, are burdened by its foibles and failures.

26. The Issues Vice presidents are especially vulnerable to this problem, since they can't attack their own president. Some incumbent presidents are reluctant to expend their prestige to an heir apparent who may not want the help. President Johnson's attitude toward Vice President Humphrey was at first ambivalent. Humphrey lost. In 2000, President Clinton kept a low profile, lest personal scandals impair Vice President Al Gore. Al Gore was criticized for not using Clinton enough.

27. Negative Campaigning Substantive issues become submerged when candidates devote more time to attack one another. Attacks begin almost immediately. In 2004, Bush attacked Kerry as a "flip-flopper". The "Swift Boat Veterans for Truth" attacked Kerry's Vietnam war record. However, the group was bankrolled by Bush supporters in Texas. Mudslinging and charges of corruption are common in elections, in an attempt to damage a rival.

29. Bread-and-butter Issues Peace and pocketbook issues tend to dominate presidential campaigns. Since the New Deal, the Democrats have been perceived as the party that used government to achieve social progress at home. Voters sometimes associate the party with prosperity. In 1980 the economy's double-digit inflation and high unemployment were a negative for Jimmy Carter. Economic issues helped Clinton in both 1992 and 1996. In 2004, the weak economy was a challenge for George W. Bush.

31. Foreign Policy Issues In this area, the GOP often has the advantage since Democrats presided over most major wars this century and have been tagged with the "war party" label. In 1968, Richard Nixon won by promising to end the Vietnam War. His trips to China and Russia helped his foreign policy image in 1972. George Bush got public support for the success of the Gulf War in 1992, but Democrats were able to blunt the advantage by questioning Bush's role in the Iran-contra affair.

32. Foreign Policy Issues In 2004, George W. Bush argued that the invasion of Iraq had removed a brutal dictator and made the world safer. However, the original premise for the war was to find weapons of mass destruction. John Kerry launched an attack calling the invasion "a diversion from the battle against our greatest enemy-al Qaeda." Presidents often talk of foreign policy in lofty national interest terms, but things like the price of a gallon of gas bring Middle East issues home to the United States.

33. The Imponderables A sudden foreign policy crisis, a slip of the tongue, or a scandal may influence election outcomes. In 1884 Grover Cleveland was accused of fathering an illegitimate child, but this was overshadowed by anti-Catholic remarks made by a Protestant minister supporting the Republican candidate. In 1948, Thomas Dewey's campaign lurched backward when his quip about a railroad engineer ("that's the first lunatic I've had for an engineer") angered railroad employees.

34. The Imponderables In 1952 GOP vice presidential nominee Richard Nixon was accused of having a "slush fund" to help meet his political needs as a senator from California. His famous nationally televised "Checkers" speech defended his use of the funds. Nixon stayed on the GOP ticket with Dwight Eisenhower. In June 1972, James W. McCord, Jr. was arrested inside the Washington headquarters of the Democratic National Committee. He and six others were later indicted. The scandal later reached the White House and forced Richard Nixon to resign.

35. The Imponderables In 1984, Ronald Reagan's voice check (" . . . I'm pleased to tell you that I've signed legislation that would outlaw Russia . . . bombing in five minutes") aroused controversy and was denounced by the Soviets. In 1992, Gennifer Flowers claimed that she engaged in an affair with candidate Bill Clinton. Also in 1992, Vice President Dan Quayle attacked fictional character Murphy Brown for having a baby as a single, unmarried mother. Later, he added an "e" to the word potato.

36. The Imponderables In 1996, Dole fell off a platform in California when a railing gave way. Some speculated that it was symbolic of his presidential campaign. In 2000, George W. Bush used an expletive to describe a New York Times reporter. That remark contradicted his pledge to restore dignity to the White House.

37. The Imponderables Al Gore embarrassed himself when he misquoted drug prices. In the long run, such incidents can lead to retribution at the polls. Sudden world crises cannot be anticipated and can turn an election around, hurting the party in power.

38. Democracy Under Pressure Campaign Techniques

39. Television and Politics In 2000, the Republican National Committee sponsored a commercial attacking Al Gore. Suddenly, the word RATS flashed on the screen.

40. Television and Politics The famous Daisy Girl commercial with a little girl counting down the petals to a doomsday nuclear holocaust is a graphic example of the power of television. Millions saw it, although it aired only once in 1964. Without using GOP candidate Goldwater's name Johnson's voice-over left the impression that Goldwater was irresponsible enough to start a nuclear war. Theodore White commented that the GOP's indignant response gave credibility to the commercial.

41. Television and Politics The marriage of television and politics took place in 1948, when people could tune in to the national nominating conventions. 4. Its influence increased in 1952 and 1956, as the number of television sets mushroomed. By 1960, 88 percent (46.6 million) of American households had TVs.

42. Television and Politics The Presidential Debates The Presidential Debates. 1. In September 2004, Bush and Kerry held their first debate in Florida. Kerry charged that Bush had made a colossal error by invading Iraq. Bush accused Kerry of sending "mixed messages". With 62.5 million watching, Kerry was declared the winner, with a 53-37 percent lead, according to the Gallup Poll.

43. Television and Politics The Presidential Debates In 1960, Congressional legislation created, then suspended, the equal time provisions of the Federal Communications Act, clearing the way for four Kennedy-Nixon debates. Most observers say the debates helped Kennedy, partly because he looked so vibrant compared to the haggard Nixon. In 1976, the debate between Carter and Ford helped Carter win by a narrow margin. Some analysts credit the debates with adding credibility to Carter. Typically front-runners and incumbents don't agree to debate, but Ford was 33 points behind in the polls, so he challenged Carter. Ford made the famous gaffe that Eastern Europe was not under Soviet domination.

44. Television and Politics The Presidential Debates The 1980 debates. The main debate was between Ronald Reagan and Jimmy Carter. Reagan displayed an affable manner, unlike Carter's more serious warnings. Reagan created the famous "Are you better off today than you were four years ago?" line. This economic message sold brilliantly. The 1984 debates pitted President Reagan against Walter Mondale. The 1988 debates pitted Vice President Bush against Governor Michael Dukakis.

45. Television and Politics The Presidential Debates In the 1992 debates, Bush at first refused to debate Clinton and the Democrats dogged him with characters in chicken suits called "Chicken George." When Bush lagged in the polls, he decided to debate. Bush tried to emphasize that the economy was not as bad as Clinton portrayed it. The big winner was maverick Ross Perot, who promised to clean house on the hill and send lobbyists packing. In Debate Two, Bush attacked Clinton as a waffler; an audience member asked the candidates to stick to the issues, not mudslinging; Perot was less of a novelty; and Clinton held his own, to Bush's disadvantage.

46. Television and Politics The Presidential Debates The 1996 debates pitted President Clinton and Republican Bob Dole. In 2000, Texas Governor Bush agreed to one debate, and when criticized, accepted the three debates organized by the bipartisan commission. It is unfair to candidates and voters to depend on televised debates-candidates may misstate facts and viewers would not know better. However, it is an opportunity to watch candidates in action. The studies on the impact of the debates are mixed-some viewers see what they want to see, while other studies suggest that debates have a measurable influence.

47. Madison Avenue: The Packaging of the President The ability of political candidates to reach increased numbers of voters through TV has been reflected in the dramatic increase in campaign spending for commercials. By 2004, more than 248 million television sets are in 102 million (98 percent) homes. In 1972, $10.8 million was spent for presidential broadcast ads. By 2000, $606 million was spent. In 2004, $1.5 billion was spent.

48. Madison Avenue: The Packaging of the President The increased use of TV and Madison Avenue advertising techniques raises the question of whether candidates are being sold like toothpaste. Professional actor Ronald Reagan had an added advantage with TV. Besides praising their candidate, ads take jabs at the opponent by using negative advertising techniques. Senator Jim Sasser was portrayed as being soft on Fidel Castro in 1982 with an actor made up to look like Castro.

49. Madison Avenue: The Packaging of the President In 1984 Ronald Reagan made "feel good" politics work well for his campaign. The Bush campaign used attack ads to discredit Dukakis. A conservative PAC in support of Bush's candidacy produced and got lots of mileage out of the famous Willie Horton ad. Horton's name is now synonymous with negative attack commercials. One commercial had Bush on a boat in polluted Boston harbor, blaming the problem on his opponent.

50. Madison Avenue: The Packaging of the President Television ads can make a difference-Senator Huddleston lost an enormous lead when ads portrayed him as one who shirked his senatorial duties. The ad showed bloodhounds tracking him down in the Caribbean. The impact of commercials influenced those who hadn't made up their minds.

51. Madison Avenue: The Packaging of the President It is easy to exaggerate the influence of commercials; the idea that a few advertising executives can manipulate voters ignores party identification and economic circumstances. Still, there is a danger that candidates with more money and skilled media managers or a better TV style will have an advantage over rivals.

52. Madison Avenue: The Packaging of the President Candidates might be tempted to display an image that masks the real person, to oversimplify issues, and to be a performer, not a leader. Being too slick could backfire. Ad campaigns, though, are limited by current issues, spending limits, party loyalty of voters, and the strengths and weakness of the candidate being packaged.

53. Professional Campaign Managers Presidents have had their gurus for campaigns and Clinton is no exception with James Carville David Garth, who handled independent candidate John Anderson in 1980, said that campaigners have no time for softball: "We're playing hardball." He defended his craft by contending that most politics is manipulation. Professional managers and consultants include people in advertising, public relations, issues research, public opinion sampling, focus groups organization, fund-raising, telemarketing, computer analysis, and speech-writing.

54. Professional Campaign Managers Political scientist Larry Sabato says that the importance of consultants can be overstated. They can't claim credit or blame for wins or losses; but, as self-promoters, can convince people they influence the results more than they actually do. He complains about sweetheart ties between the press, which wants campaign news, and the political consultants who feed them. Sabato says that new technology may be producing a whole generation of officeholders far more skilled at running for office than in governing.

55. Professional Campaign Managers As far back as 1965, California public relations firm Spencer-Roberts helped candidate Ronald Reagan look less like a programmed actor and more like a knowledgeable candidate for governor. Campaign management has become a profitable industry. Public relations firms have expanded as well. Mass media is used as a road to power in contemporary society.

56. Professional Campaign Managers Political scientist Dan Nimmo feels that consultants tend to approach campaigns as contests of personalities rather than a choice between political principles and parties. They "can make a candidate appear to be what he is not."

57. The Polls Public opinion polls are used in political campaigns by news media and candidates. Politicians use confidential polls to see if they ought to run. Polls can be used to test issues that are salient to voters and to determine their sentiments on them. Polls can be used in the campaign to test voter response to issues the candidate tackles.

58. The Polls If elected, officials may poll to measure voter reaction to office performance. Reagan pollster Dick Wirthlin employed the first "tracking polls" in 1980 to gauge shifts in opinion among voters and to decide how to act based on the information. Democrat Michael Dukakis, who continually trailed Bush in the polls, complained of a bandwagon effect, saying that it had reached the point where polls were driving the process.

59. The Polls In 1992 Bush had the same lament, telling people not to pay attention to "these nutty pollsters." There is a close relationship among television, campaigns, and polls. They are taken for granted today.

60. The News Media Richard Nixon blamed biased coverage of his campaigns for his losses. In his famous news conference in the 1962 race for California governor, he moaned, "You won't have Nixon to kick around any more . . . this is my last press conference." He was venting his frustration and the exhaustion of losing his presidential race in 1960 followed by the gubernatorial loss. JFK, by contrast, cultivated media relationships on and off the press planes. In his next presidential race, Nixon saw the benefit of being more affable with the press.

61. The News Media Campaign staffers sometimes try to shield their candidates from the press corps. More newspapers have endorsed Republican candidates than Democratic candidates in their editorials.

62. The News Media Personal biases of reporters can color the story, but it is also true that many try to be professional and fair in covering a candidate. Big papers reported the Eagleton removal from the Democratic ticket in 1972, despite the fact that George McGovern was hurt by it. Problems with Geraldine Ferraro's finances did not go unreported. The Whitewater investigation became a continuous source of embarrassment for Bill Clinton.

63. The News Media Major national newspapers and political correspondents play a role in who is considered suitable to run. Editorial endorsements have less of an impact on the outcome of presidential campaigns. Despite the increasing role of TV, print press still must be included in strategizing since there are 60 million daily newspaper subscribers.

65. Democracy Under Pressure Campaign Finance

66. Campaign Finance Lincoln's race for Congress in 1846 cost him 75 cents for a barrel of cider. Spending at all levels in 1972 totaled $425 million. By 2000 it was estimated to be about $3.9 billion.

68. Campaign Finance In 2004, George W. Bush and John Kerry each received $75 million in public funds for the general election. Those who raise $100,000 qualify for matching funds to help pay some of their primary election costs as well.

69. Campaign Finance The laws to control spending did not work as intended. Limits on wealthy individuals, corporations, and interest groups were designed to keep them from exercising undue influence over those they contributed to. Limits on the amount a candidate could spend so that all compete on a level playing field. Loopholes in the law, court decisions, and new ways to finance campaigns undermined the system.

70. Campaign Finance The presidential election of 1976 was the first to provide effective limits on the contributions to candidates. However, loopholes greatly weaken the effectiveness of the laws, including soft money and independent expenditures. Soft money is funds raised by the two major political parties and spent by them in the states to aid candidates indirectly. There are no federal regulations on this.

71. Campaign Finance Independent expenditures are funds spent for or against a candidate by committees not formally connected to the candidate. These also are not subject to federal spending regulations. Critics call soft money as the loophole "ate the law."

72. Campaign Finance In 2002, the McCain-Feingold law banned contributions of soft money to national parties. Prohibits the use of funds for "issue ads". Allows for limited contributions to state parties. Doubled the amount individuals can give to candidates from $1000 to $2000. The law was challenged in court by Republicans charging that such restrictions violated the First Amendment's freedom of speech. The Supreme Court upheld McCain-Feingold.

73. Campaign Finance Foreign contributions arose during the 1996 campaign. Donors connected to a wealthy Indonesian family and its conglomerate, the Lippo Group, gave the Democratic National Committee more than $1 million. Another resident Indonesian couple gave $450,000.

74. Campaign Finance Election money is often cloaked in secrecy. The Watergate break-in took place partly because the money was there. That, along with Nixon's resignation, laid the groundwork for the Federal Election Campaign Act amendments of 1974. Despite the law's reporting provisions, no reputable political scientist would believe that is all candidates spend. Voters feel that money wins elections, politicians can be bought, and politics is "a rich man's game." However, there are limits to the influence of money. The Republicans have generally spent more, yet Democrats still win some elections.

75. Regulating Campaign Finance Most states have disclosure and limit laws, but these vary widely. The Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 made reforms. It requires name disclosure of all donors giving more than $100. It repealed the Corrupt Practices Act of 1925. It repealed provisions of the Hatch Act of 1940. It encouraged the creation of PACs to get around the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947 limits on gifts from corporations and unions. Tax breaks to contributors were permitted in 1973.

76. Regulating Campaign Finance The federal rules. In 1976, the Buckley v. Valeo case opened the way to independent expenditures, creating an enormous loophole. Contribution limits. Individuals may contribute: Up to $2,000 to a federal candidate in each primary and general election. Up to $95,000 over a two-year cycle to candidates, party committees, and PACs.

77. Regulating Campaign Finance Public financing. Federal funds may be accepted to help presidential candidates pay for primaries or general election expenses. To qualify for public funds in primaries, a candidate must raise at least $5,000 in each of twenty states in contributions of up to $1,000, for an overall total of $100,000. Public funds may be used to help each major political party finance its national convention.

78. Regulating Campaign Finance Spending limits. Presidential candidates who accept federal funds are limited to spending the amount they receive-$75 million in 2004. Candidates receiving federal funds for the general election can accept no private contributions. Disclosure. Candidates must file periodic reports with the government, disclosing names and addresses of contributors of more than $200. They also must report expenditures of more than $200.

79. Regulating Campaign Finance Federal election commission. The law created a bipartisan, six-member federal election commission to enforce the campaign finance laws and administer the public financing. In Buckley v. Valeo, the Supreme Court ruled that limits restricted freedom of expression, except for presidential candidates. The Court's decision opened the way for rich candidates to spend vast amounts of their own money in their campaigns. It also permitted independent expenditures to be made by committees not connected with a candidate. In a major loophole ruling, the Supreme Court said in 1996 that state and national political parties may spend unlimited amounts on congressional campaigns as long as the party and candidate aren't working together.

80. How Much Does It Cost? The average Congressional race several hundred thousand dollars. In 1990, 11 candidates for the House reported spending $1 million or more. By 1994, that number was up to 48.73, and by 2004, $1 million for a House race was not unusual.

81. How Much Does It Cost? In 1988 the average cost of a Senate race was almost $4 million. In 2000, Jon Corzine spent $35.5 million for a nomination to the U.S. Senate seat in New Jersey.. In 2004, Blair Hull spent $29 million of his own money on his primary only to be defeated by Barack Obama, an Illinois state senator. Gubernatorial races are expensive as well-Jay Rockefeller spent $12 million in 1980 on his race in West Virginia.

82. How Much Does It Cost? Herbert Alexander's studies show that excessive money can turn off voters and the biggest spenders don't always win. In 2004, soft money could still influence presidential campaigns through 527 organizations. Alexander Heard's studies indicate that cash is far more significant in the nominating process than the electing process.

83. Where Does the Money Go? Radio and television costs are the biggest single item in campaign spending at the presidential and congressional levels. Political committees also spend money on publicity and advertising. Other money is spent on polls, data processing, printing, phones, headquarters, salaries of party workers, etc. Alexander Heard estimates that about one-eighth of the money is expended on election day alone.

84. Where Does the Money Come From? PACs are independent arms of organizations like corporations and unions. In 1984, they provided $113 million to federal-level campaigns. In 2000, they provided $579 million. In 1988, three of every four PAC dollars went to incumbents. In 2000 there were 4,400 PACs, up from 2,279 two decades earlier.

85. Where Does the Money Come From? In 2000 there were 4,400 PACs, up from 2,279 two decades earlier. People give money to campaigns for a variety of reasons. They believe in a candidate or party and want to express support. Some expect a tangible benefit or hope to gain access. Others want social recognition and a ticket to a White House dinner.

86. Where Does the Money Come From? Wealthy families contribute heavily to political campaigns, the bulk going to the Republican Party. The law permits up to $25,000 to state and local candidates. Other ways to get funds: Dinners at $100-a-plate and $1,000-a-plate, direct mail efforts, TV appeals, money from executives. An unadvertised source is organized crime. Alexander Heard guessed that 15 percent of state and local expenditures comes from the underworld.

87. Campaigns, Money, and Democracy The reforms of the 1970s sought to limit contributions, assure disclosure of gifts and spending, and broaden the base of giving so that candidates wouldn't have to depend on fat cat contributors and groups wanting payback. The growth and influence of soft money expenditures have mocked reforms. PACs have undue influence in the process. Even though presidential races depend on public funds, PAC money now just goes to Congressional races.

88. Campaigns, Money, and Democracy Suggestions about plugging loopholes have had little success because of things like soft money and independent expenditures. Glaring loopholes tend to undermine public confidence, yet campaigns are a vital part of the political process.