Effective Policing Measures for Domestic Abuse: A Research Overview

1. Domestic Abuse Evidence based policing masterclass

2. Charlotte Watkinson • Commissioning, Policy and Research Assistant – Office of Merseyside Police and Crime Commissioner • Research Fellow – Liverpool John Moores University • Teaching and Research Fellow – Liverpool John Moores University • Background; Policing, crime prevention, domestic abuse. • c.e.watkinson@ljmu.ac.uk

3. What do we know? Do we know the facts and figures? Quiz

4. Setting the scene • Each year around 2.1m people suffer some form of domestic abuse. 1.4 million women (8.5% of total population) and 700,000 men (4.5% of total population) (ONS, 2015). • Domestic abuse costs society an estimated £15.7 billion per year (HMIC, 2014). • Around 100,000 people are at high immediate risk of being killed or seriously injured as a result of domestic abuse (Safe Lives, 2015). • 7 women a month, on average, are killed by a current or former partner (ONS, 2015). • 95% of victims at MARAC and accessing IDVA services are women (Safe Lives, 2015). • On average high-risk victims live with domestic abuse for 2.3 years before getting help (Safe Lives, 2015).

5. In the context of policing • On average the police in England & Wales receive an emergency call relating to domestic abuse every 30 seconds (HMIC, 2014). • In 2013/14 police recorded a total of 887,000 domestic abuse incidents in England and Wales (ibid). • This figure increased to 944,000 in 2014/15. • A 2014 HMIC inspection nationally examining the police response to domestic abuse, uncovered disappointing results. HMIC argued “Tackling domestic abuse and keeping its victims safe is both vitally important, and incredibly complicated. The police service needs to have the right tools, resources, training and partnerships in place to help it identify victims and keep them safe” (HMIC, 2014).

6. What does policing have available to tackle DA? • Arrest • Mediation • DVPN/Os • Non-Molestation Orders • DVDS (Clares Law) • Specialist domestic violence courts • MARACs • Risk assessments (MeRIT) Which is the most effective measure to reduce or prevent domestic abuse?

7. Research The criminal justice response as a whole in England and Wales has also received intense criticism from academics and women’s advocates since the 1970’s (Taylor-Dunn, 2016). Since the 1980’s there have been various research projects, that have influenced the criminal justice response to domestic abuse. However, many of these are largely contradictory and inconclusive to the most effective interventions for domestic abuse. ‘What to do’ with domestic violence perpetrators continues to be a contested area in policy, practice and academia (Kelly and Westmarland, 2015).

8. Key studies • Cho and Wilke (2010) – Estimating the impact of arrest • Felson et al (2005) – Police intervention with DA • Iyengar (2009) – Arrest • Johnson and GoodlinFahncke (2015) – Exploring the effect of arrest • Kelly and Westmarland (2015) Domestic Violence Perpetrator Programmes • Maxwell et al (2002) – Preventative effects of arrest • Owens et al (2014) Essex Body Worn Video Trial • Sherman and Berk (1984) – Police responses to DA • Yates et al (2008) – Mediation VS arrest

9. Sherman and Berk – Minneapolis study (1984) 315 cases of misdemeanour domestic abuse incidents. Randomly assigned one of three possible outcomes; arrest, 8 hour separation or advice/mediation at scene. The study believed arrest to be the most effective policing intervention. Because of the immediacy and visibility of arrest, it was believed that this deterred the arrested person and send a message to potential abusers (Hagemann-White et al, 2015). The implementation of mandatory and pro-arrest laws for domestic abuse globally.

10. What do you think? • Still most effective? • Out of date?

11. The Power of Arrest • ‘Modest preventative effect’ (Maxwell, et al, 2002) • Across five outcome measures, arrest was associated with fewer subsequent incidents. • When measured by both reporting to the police and victim experience, arrest created some form of deterrent. • Cho and Wilke (2010) Victims whose partners had been arrested reported a 43.2% reduction in revictimisation compared to those whose partners were not arrested.

12. Felson et al (2005) Felson et al (2005) argue that the Minneapolis study was substantially flawed. • The research ignored a large number of domestic abuse incidents that are of significant interest and importance – those unreported to the police. Longitudinal study drawing upon data from the National Crime Victimisation Survey (NCVS) with a focus upon reporting and effects of arrest on repeat offences. Police involvement did have a strong deterrent effect on domestic abuse. The effect of arrest was small and statistically insignificant.

13. A Mixture? • Reporting to the police was found to have a significant impact over arrest. Cho and Wilke (2010) concluded that reporting to the police and arrest have an overlapping impact on re-victimisation, the impact of arrest is a subset of reporting. • Is it not as straight forward as arrest having an impact? Rather the whole process (reporting, responding, arresting) has an impact?

14. Mandatory Arrest • Sherman and Berk’s findings influenced mandatory and pro arrest policing policies. • The theory behind mandatory arrest was that if the victim could not influence the arrest decision they could not be blamed for the arrest. It would also remove any confusion or inconsistencies for policing. • Iyengar (2009) compared domestic homicide rates for states that implemented mandatory arrest. This study found that domestic homicides increased by around 60%. • This suggested; victims were now reluctant to report becoming more at risk and a reprisal effect where the perpetrator retaliates after a short period in custody. • Sample size was not big enough to suggest mandatory arrest increased homicide rates.

15. Criminal sanctions • ‘Criminal Sanctions’- College of Policing review (2010). • Criminal sanctions are used against perpetrators of domestic violence in an attempt to prevent reoffending. These sanctions are delivered through the Criminal Justice System and include prosecutions, convictions, custodial sentences and severity of sentences. Systematic review of 31 studies. All of the primary studies in the review were based on evidence from the USA or Canada, meaning that any application of the results in the UK must be approached with caution. • There is some evidence that criminal justice sanctions (such as time in prison or on probation) have either increased or reduced crime, but overall the intervention has not had a statistically significant effect on crime. The quality of primary studies varied considerably, so it is not possible to say whether criminal sanctions may increase or decrease rates of recidivism amongst offenders without further research.

16. Body Worn Video • Owens et al (2014) Randomised Control Trial in Essex. • Research shows that the use of body worn video can increase the proportion of criminal justice outcomes for domestic abuse cases. • 80 officers assigned to a treatment group (with BWV) and 238 to a control group (no BWV). • The research found that the use of BWV affected the type of sanction. A significantly higher proportion of officers wearing BWV results in one or more criminal sanctions than those without BWV. • It did increase the probability of offenders being charged. • Hoyle and Sanders (2000) argue that many women do not call the police or seek criminal sanctions because of how unlikely the process is to help end the abuse.

17. DVPO’s • Kelly (2013) evaluated the effectiveness of DVPOs. • The evaluation concluded that there was a reduction in victimisation following arrest and a subsequent DVPO than those arrested with ‘no further action’. • The evaluation suggested that arrest may be more effective when it is accompanied by further intervention.

18. Project CARA • A partnership between Hampton Trust, CAADA, Hampshire Constabulary, CPS and University of Cambridge. • Project CARA deals with standard & medium risk offending, perpetrators with little or no previous offending history. • The project aims to provide a timely intervention to prevent further DA offending. • 82% report that workshop has improved attitude towards their partner • 84% report that workshop has prompted reflection of their own behaviour • 91% report that workshop has assisted with issues within the relationship

19. The ‘Power Few’ • Sherman (2007) argues that there is a category of offenders who take up a large amount of police resources and create the greatest amount of harm overall to victims. • The theory is to provide an unequal investment of police resources in that specific category of offenders, therefore providing higher levels of resources to respond to the ‘power few’. • The concept is based on the notion that concentrating resources on the ‘power few’ will reduce the amount of overall harm in the long term, rather than spreading resources too thinly to respond to all domestic abuse perpetrators equally (ibid). 80-20 rule

20. The ‘Power Few’ • Robinson argues the idea of the ‘serial domestic abuser’ has emerged recently to illustrate the most dangerous type of domestic abuser (2016). • Robinson’s research focussed on serial domestic abuse offenders in Wales with a link to the ‘power few’ concept. Robinson’s study analysed bespoke data from agencies databases of 100 domestic abuse perpetrators and also conducted 16 semi-structured interviews with a range of domestic abuse practitioners across Wales. The research concluded that the ‘power few’ category of offenders could potentially exist, but the data collection and monitoring systems accessed for the research did not appear capable of reliably identifying such a cohort of offenders. • Bland and Ariel (2015) examined 36,000 police records of domestic abuse between 2009 and 2014 recorded by Suffolk Constabulary in the east of England. The study used the CCHI to unpick if the severity of domestic abuse incidents increases with the frequency of incidents. The results of their study conclude that whilst there is no significant indication of escalation in relation to the severity of abuse, the research did find that 2% of the offenders in their cohort accounted for 80% of the domestic abuse harm as measured by the severity of the abuse inflicted (ibid).

21. Domestic violence perpetrator programmes • Despite the growing focus on domestic abuse perpetrator programmes nationally, little research has been conducted regarding how offenders use techniques in such programmes to change their behaviour (Wistow et al, 2016). • During the 1980’s vastly concluded that perpetrator programmes were ineffective in impacting on violent and abusive behaviour, with further little effect on offenders verbal, psychological and other forms of abuse (Eisikovits and Edleson, 1989). • Dobashet al (1996) research concluded that women whose partners participated behaviour had improved. Findings which are encouraging. • Gondolf (2002) conducted an extensive evaluation exploring four ‘batterer programs’ in the US. The results were generally positive, as re-assault rates and women’s perceptions were more positive than before the program, with the majority of men becoming violence free in the 30 month follow up. • However, there is now a pressure upon agencies to provide perpetrator programmes that are evidence based and also accredited (Morran, 2010).

22. Project Mirabal • A mixed-methods, longitudinal study of domestic violence perpetrator programmes. • The aim of the project was to investigate the effectiveness in such programmes reducing abuse and increasing safety, well-being and freedom for victims and children. Rather than looking at whether programmes ‘work’ to decrease violence. • The research aimed to: • Use innovative research methods • To locate community based DVPPs • To measure change among men on community based DVPPs • Original data included 64 interviews with staff, data from 11 DVPPs, 5 surveys with 100 female (ex)partners covering six time points, interviews with 64 men on DVPPs and 48 (ex)partners near the start and end of the DVPP. Children were asked to draw faces and write words in a ‘research book’ to represent how they felt about their father prior to him starting the DVPP

23. Project Mirabal - Findings • DVPPs are more than perpetrator behaviour change, they also provide services for victims, a point of reference for advice and write reports for other organisations (CPS and child protection). • Based on the 6 measures of success findings were positive: • Improvement in respectful communication; 64% of victims said the perp now negotiates during disagreements. • Expanded space for action; he tries to stop me from seeing family/friends decreased from 65% to only 15% • Safety and freedom from violence; dramatic and significant reduction, particularly around physical and sexual violence. • Safe, positive and shared parenting; minimal improvements. • Awareness of self and others; there was a reduction in perps making excuses for their behaviour and an increase in accepting responsibility. • Safer and healthier childhoods; there was a key reduction in children worrying about their mothers safety.

24. Second responder • Second responder programmes typically involve a ‘second response’ visit to victims of domestic abuse at home sometime between 24 hours and 14 days after the initial police response. A team, typically comprised of a police officer and a victim advocate, attend with the aim of providing assistance to the victim and sometimes the offender, preventing further violence and finding long-term solutions to the problem. Second responder programmes assume victims of abuse will be more receptive to interventions in the period immediately after the incident has occurred, and subsequently more willing to consider behavioural and lifestyle changes. • The CoP summarised the findings of a systematic review based on 10 studies. • There is some evidence that second responder programmes have reduced crime, but overall they have not had a statistically significant effect on crime. While second responder programmes lead to slightly higher reporting of abuse to the police, they have no statistically significant effect on repeat victimization.

25. Children and Young People • 130,000 children live in homes where there is high-risk domestic abuse (Safelives, 2016) • 62% of children living with domestic abuse are directly harmed by the perpetrator of the abuse, in addition to the harm caused by witnessing the abuse of others (Ibid). • Intergenerational Theory… • “One of every three abused children becomes an adult abuser or victim" (Office of the Clark County Prosecuting Attorney, 2012). • There is also significant national evidence that males exposed to domestic violence as children are more likely to engage in domestic violence as adults and that females are more likely to be victims (Brown and Bzostek, 2003). • In 2011, in an attempt to understand the impact of the "cycle of violence" the Cheshire East Domestic Abuse Family Safety Unit (DAFSU) analysed information discussed at MARAC and found: • Almost 70% of perpetrators were known to have experienced domestic abuse in their childhood. • Almost 75% of victims were known to have experienced domestic abuse in their childhood.

26. Education for children and young people • Early Childhood and Family-based Interventions e.g. promoting positive parenting, home environments, behaviours, social and problem solving skills. • School-based Interventions e.g. Personal Social Health Education (PSHE), Sex and Relationship Education (SRE). • Operation Encompass Merseyside Police. • College of Policing review (2013) focused on educational interventions to prevent violence in adolescents and young adults specifically in the context of relationships and dating violence. • The intervention is usually delivered in an educational setting with participants in their teenage years or early twenties. Common methods of delivery include videos, discussions about violence, challenging myths and raising awareness, and role-playing. CoP summarised the findings of one systematic review of 38 studies. There is some evidence that the intervention has reduced crime, but overall the intervention has not had a statistically significant effect on crime. • Although the overall effect size was not significant, two of the eight studies which measured episodes of relationship violence showed a statistically significant reduction in the episodes of relationship violence experienced by participants receiving the intervention.

27. One Size Doesn’t Fit All • There is an increasing suggestion from the literature and research regarding DA that a one size fits all approach is not an appropriate response, as there are often a range of dynamics and varying situations. • Hoyle and Sanders (2000) research suggests that not all victims/survivors want criminal justice sanctions, especially if they are still in relationships/contact and using their own strategies to manage the abuse. • Fewer than one in four people who suffer abuse at the hands of their partner report it to the police (Home Office, 2014). • MacQueen and Norris (2016) argue that in spite of the raft of activity around supporting victims of domestic abuse, they remain the least likely group to report their victimisation to the police. • Robinson (2015) argues also that when children are involved in a relationship, the victim is more likely to want to stay in that relationship.

28. The ‘Power Few’ and Policing Domestic Abuse Would a ‘power few’ approach allow Merseyside Police to be more effective and efficient in managing domestic abuse perpetrators?

29. methodology Semi Structured Interviews

30. Is this effective in managing domestic abuse offenders on Merseyside?

31. findings Overall, participants were generally in support of the ‘power few’ concept. “It’s a good approach. They’re the people who cost so much. Not only monetary cost, but also to the victims, obviously. Yes, it’s a good approach” – Local Authority 2. “There has to be that buy in to reduce, I suppose it’s invest to save isn’t it, you’ve got to invest at the front end to reduce that demand in the long run.” – Senior Officer 2 A focus on perpetrators was needed. “I think it’s right that we should be addressing perpetrators as opposed to victims, absolutely” – Frontline Officer 4. Professionals seeking innovation. • A new way to tackle such high numbers?

32. Benefits to the ‘power few’ Demand Reduction “Here’s cohort of demand around domestic abuse, here’s the victim/survivor, and here’s the perpetrator, then here is a bespoke plan for that couple. I think that’s where your real impact could be had” – Frontline Officer 5. “I can totally get why they are going for the ones they are putting most of their resources to, all the callouts that come whatever level they are. I think that is a useful approach as a starting point” – Service Manager 1.

33. Benefits to the ‘power few’ Lower Level Victims “There would be a lot of bronzes that we’d be talking about with the ‘power few’ because they’re the low level that we’re getting call out to all the time. They’re the ones that are draining our resources” – Frontline Officer 7. “We’re great at the high risk end but we’re not so good at the low to medium. So we’ve got families where they are getting visits from different agencies, every week, and it’s not joined up” – CRC 2. “The gold victims aren’t the ones that are murdered, it’s the bronze and low level silver” – Frontline officer 2.

34. Operational implications for the ‘power few’ The offence type of Domestic Abuse “domestic abuse is a different type of offence, it is a more complex type of offence than say what the PPO schemes used to look after like acquisitive crime, so your top 10 burglars are easily identified, target them and bring your burglaries down. But with domestic abuse, because of the different facets to domestic abuse and that it crosses class boundaries, and that it is quite easily hidden, it’s more complicated.” – CRC 2

35. Operational implications for the ‘power few’ Concerns Around the Terminology “My main issue with the ‘power few’ or the ‘powerful few’ is the title. It completely goes against perpetrator, abuser, and offender. I think they are all more appropriate terms. But by using the term the power or the powerful few, simply because we know domestic abuse is very much about power, coercion and control. So I have got real concerns about that.” – Senior Officer 4. Becker (2008) Labelling Theory – fulfil their status? High risk offenders VS repeat offenders

36. Operational implications for the ‘power few’ Identifying the ‘power few’ • High risk offenders VS repeat offenders – mixture? • The Crime Harm Index “What’s your rationale for choosing that individual? you’d have five different responses, and I’m not sure that they’d be satisfactory. So I think the argument is, let’s get a sound evidence base based on academia. What we’ve done for that is based it on the West Yorkshire IOM model. So that brings in your factors around risk, number of calls, a scoring mechanism on previous offences and then also a degradation issue in and around, like, 12 months. But there are other issues that we want to introduce over and above that. So, what about the presence of weapons is one that’s been mentioned. How many calls have they made? Are there any mental health issues? Today I had an interesting conversation around should that be a generic approach? Or should it be distinct between genders? DHRs suggest that we’ve got quite a lot of female perpetrators who probably get to that snap point. So, should we tailor it there? It’s in its infancy at the moment.” – Senior Officer 5.

37. Operational implications for the ‘power few’ The Multi Agency Role Participants suggested the need for the Force to consider the following when designing the ‘power few’ approach; • Who is involved • Which agency has what role • What stage each agency becomes involved A ‘power few’ MARAC So you could look at right, let’s do an assessment around this high demand couple here. What are their particular issues, so actually our plan manager, through our MARAC plus programme” – Frontline Officer 5.

38. Operational implications for the ‘power few’ Resourcing Issues “From my perspective, what I was seeing was that you could take a problem solving approach with those couples and actually do something which stops the constant drain on resources. The problem is that everybody is so busy particularly in the FCIUs, they are putting out fires and just doing what they have to do with each case. No one actually has the time to sit down and look at the full background and think, “Right, out of those 40 cases that we have had this year, can we on an evidence based basis put all that stuff together and actually put jobs to CPS that would suggest there is coercion, intimidation and control?” Or whatever.” – Senior Officer 6.

39. Operational implications for the ‘power few’ Interventions “You can’t be setting people up to fail if you’re saying you’re going to go and offer them an alternative from criminality. You’ve got to make sure that there are places in drug and alcohol services, that there are places in housing, what the waiting lists will be. Because there’s no magic wands for any of this, and everyone’s stretched” – IDVA 3. Domestic Violence Perpetrator Programmes (DVPPs) “I think a perpetrator programme has to be part of that package” – Senior Officer 3.

40. Operational implications for the ‘power few’ Engagement “I would say the majority of them probably won’t want to engage. The only way they probably will engage is if it part of their court conditions. Or if you’re looking at external agencies as well, in relation to social services things like that, if they’re looking and saying unless you’re going to participate, we can’t release the child protection or anything. You find that then they will participate.” – Frontline Officer 3. “It is the nature of the beast to a degree because when you lock up these people it is quite difficult to get them to court. In something like – I think it is something mad like 70% of the cases, the victim doesn’t want to know.” – Senior Officer 6. MacQueen and Norris (2016) argue that in spite of the raft of activity around supporting victims of domestic abuse, they remain the least likely group to report their victimisation to the police.

41. Operational implications for the ‘power few’ Risk to Victims “It needs to be every case on its merit. Does the victim need to be engaged and on board? Again, I think in some cases yes. Particularly where you have got those additional vulnerabilities, the victims got disabilities and so on. But in some cases, no. But I don’t think it should be a one size fits all. It depends on the context, the type of offence, whether they’re still together. You know, some cases will need a victim care plan, some wont. For some the risk will just be too high but many will be the risk can be mitigated.” – Senior Officer 4. “If you were to manage the victim’s risk, you’ve got to make sure that the victim has got a place to go to report anything to” – IDVA 3.

42. Recommendations • Research the capacity of the Force to be able to meet the demands identified in this report for implementing the ‘power few’ approach. • Further research and evaluation around applying the ‘power few’ concept to the policing of domestic abuse is required. Following frequent meetings and discussions between the researchers and the Force lead for domestic abuse, a randomised control trial may be of benefit to examine this idea in practice. Creating a power 3 approach; power few offenders, victims and assigned police officers. • Consider the branding for the ‘power few’, new terminology is needed to make it more suitable and clearer for Merseyside. • A clear criteria and identification process is required. The weighted process that the Crime Harm Index provides is potentially a model that could be adapted for the ‘power few. • The potential risk posed to victims also needs to be considered by the Force. • Consult with key partners regarding the process and criteria, to scope out their professional opinion and potential involvement. • Consider creating a dedicated multi-agency MARAC style meeting overseeing the ‘power few’. • Scope out interventions available. Further research is required for Merseyside specific domestic violence perpetrator programmes.

43. conclusion The research concludes that the ‘power few’ approach has strong potential to managing domestic abuse perpetrators both more effectively and efficiently. There are however, logistical elements to operationalising such an approach that the Force will have to consider. It is hoped by professionals that this approach would both transfer some focus back on to the perpetrator but also highlight some of the lower level, but repeat, offences that currently receive limited focus and support. It is now about creating a version of the ‘power few’ that is most appropriate for Merseyside Police

44. Your thoughts?

45. Questions? Charlotte Watkinson 0151 231 3209 c.e.Watkinson@ljmu.ac.uk