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Political Manifestos

Political Manifestos. Studying political manifestos 1. Defining manifestos 2. Discursive features of manifestos 3. Manifesto case study (FLQ) 4. Discussion. Defining manifestos. What discursive features do manifestos often exhibit?

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Political Manifestos

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  1. Political Manifestos Studying political manifestos 1. Defining manifestos 2. Discursive features of manifestos 3. Manifesto case study (FLQ) 4. Discussion

  2. Defining manifestos What discursive features do manifestos often exhibit? With a partner, look at two manifestos to analyze how they are written. Now, compare your findings with another group

  3. Defining manifestos Lyon (1999: 16): “What the dominant order calls ‘progress,’ the manifesto aims to expose as aberrancy or mythopoesis or hegemonic opportunism; to what the dominant order relies on as ‘the real,’ ‘the natural,’ ‘the thinkable,’ the manifesto counters with its own version of ‘the possible,’ ‘the imaginable’, and the ‘necessary.’

  4. Discursive features of manifestos Lyon (1999: 13-17): Rhetorical features: 1. Often embellish urgency of struggle 2. Often make prophecies 3. Often use terms, expressions, images related to war or siege 4. Are intended to persuade 5. Often revise history/contradict the views of the dominant establishments What evidence of these features do you see in your manifestos?

  5. Manifesto case study (FLQ) Embellished urgency: Rejecting half measures “[Le FLQ est] un regroupement de travailleurs québécois qui sont décidés à tout mettre en œuvre pour que le peuple du Québec prenne définitivement en mains son destin.” [The FLQ] is a group of Quebec workers who have decided to use all means to make sure that the people of Quebec take control of their destiny [Toronto Star, Montreal Gazette, 1970] [The FLQ] is a group of working people of Quebec who are committed to do everything they can for the people of Quebec to take their destiny in their hands [Canadian Dimension, 1970] [The FLQ] is a group of Quebec workers who have decided to do everything they can to assure that the people of Quebec take their destiny into their own hands, once and for all.[Tetley 2006?]

  6. Manifesto case study (FLQ) Embellished urgency: Demanding immediate action “Travailleurs du Québec, commencez dès aujourd’hui à reprendre ce qui vous appartient; prenez vous-mêmes ce qui est à vous” Workers of Quebec, start today to take back what is yours; take for yourselves what belongs to you. [Toronto Star, Montreal Gazette] Working people of Quebec begin today to take back what belongs to you; take yourselves what is yours [Canadian Forum, 1970] Workers of Quebec, begin from this day forward to take back what is yours; take yourselves what belongs to you. [Tetley 2006?]

  7. Manifesto case study (FLQ) Embellished urgency: Urging to take to the streets “Travailleurs de la production, des mines et des forêts; travailleurs des services, enseignants et étudiants, chômeurs, prenez ce qui vous appartient, votre travail, votre détermination et votre liberté.” Production workers, miners, foresters, teachers, students and unemployed workers, take what belongs to you, your jobs, your determination and your liberty[Toronto Star, Gazette 1970] Working people in the factories, in the mines and in the forests; working people in the service industries, teachers, students, unemployed: take what belongs to you, your labour, your determination and your freedom [Canadian Forum, 1970] Workers in industry, in mines and in the forests! Workers in the service industries, teachers, students and unemployed! Take what belongs to you -- your jobs, your determination and your freedom. [Tetley 2006?]

  8. Manifesto case study (FLQ) Prophecies “Notre lutte ne peut être que victorieuse. On ne tient pas longtemps dans la misère et le mépris un peuple en réveil.” Our struggle can only be victorious. You cannot hold back an awakening people. [Toronto Star, Montreal Gazette] Our struggle can only be victorious. Not for long can one hold in misery and scorn a people once awakened. [Canadian Forum, 1970] Our struggle can only be victorious. A people that has awakened cannot long be kept in misery and contempt. [Tetley 2006?]

  9. Manifesto case study (FLQ) Vocabulary of war/siege

  10. Manifesto case study (FLQ) Vocabulary of war/siege “Nombre de Québécois ont compris et ils vont agir. Bourassa dans l’année qui vient va prendra de la maturité : 100 000 travailleurs révolutionnaires organisés et armés !” A number of Quebeckers have understood and will act. In the coming year, (Premier) Bourassa will have to face reality: 100,000 revolutionary workers, armed and organized.[Toronto Star, Gazette, 1970] Numbers of Quebecois have understood and they are going to act. Bourassa in the year to come will see an idea ripen: 100,000 revolutionary working people, organized and armed.[Canadian Forum, 1970] Many Quebeckers have realized the truth and are ready to take action. In the coming year Bourassa is going to grow up fast: 100,000 revolutionary workers, armed and organized![Tetley 2006?]

  11. Manifesto case study (FLQ) Revised history/Contradicted dominant views Nous avons cru un moment qu’il valait la peine de canaliser nos énergies, nos impatiences comme le dit si bien René Lévesque, dans le Parti québécois, mais la victoire libérale montre bien que ce qu’on appelle démocratie au Québec n’est en fait et depuis toujours que la ‘democracy’ des riches. La victoire du Parti libéral en ce sens n’est en fait que la victoire des faiseurs d’élections Simard-Cotroni. […] Once, we believed it worthwhile to channel our energy and our impatience, in the apt words of René Lévesque, into the Parti Québécois, but the Liberal victory shows that what is called ‘démocratie’ in Quebec has always been, and still is, nothing but the ‘democracy’ of the rich. In this sense the victory of the Liberal party is in fact nothing but the victory of the Simard-Cotroni election-fixers. [Tetley 2006?]

  12. Discussion related to the readings Gobak & Bettig (1987) suggest a number of factors that may have influenced Moore to translate transportwesens as “means of communication and transport” instead of “means of transport.” (pp. 12-13) In your opinion, what does Gobak & Bettig’s article reveal about our expectations of “authorized” translations?

  13. Discussion related to the readings In their conclusions, Taub & Hamo state the following: [political manifestos] face outward and aim at achieving political goals and enlisting support, but they also serve as internal sites where the movement negotiates meaning and works out ideological crisis and change (2011: 432). How might these various aims affect the translation of political manifestos?

  14. Thinking critically about the readings With a partner, take a look at the two readings and determine: -The research question/thesis -The methodology -The conclusions -Does the research approach seems sound? Do you see any drawbacks/limitations/advantages to the method used?

  15. Thinking critically about manifestos How might we adapt Lyon’s list of discursive features in manifestos to the study of translated manifestos? Can we also incorporate Schaffer or Baker’s theoretical framework into this list? What about content analysis?

  16. References • Goback, Thomas & Bettig, Ronald. (1987). Translating the Manifesto into English: Nineteenth Century Communication, Twentieth Century Confusion. Journal of Communication Inquiry. 11(2): 3-16. • Lyon, Janet. (1999). Manifestos: Provocations of the Modern. Ithaca; London: Cornell University Press. • Taub, Gadi & Hamo, Michael. (2011). Dialectic textual negotiation: Redemption and sovereignty in manifestos of the Israeli religious settlers’ movement. Journal of Language and Politics 10(3): 416-435. • FLQ manifesto translation: • Used by William Tetley in The October Crisis, 1970: An Insider’s View (2006): https://secureweb.mcgill.ca/maritimelaw/sites/mcgill.ca.maritimelaw/files/H.doc

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