Phrasal tone domains in San Mateo Huave Marjorie Pak mpak@ling.upenn Speech Lunch Presentation University of Pennsylvan

1. Phrasal tone domains in San Mateo Huave Marjorie Pak mpak@ling.upenn.edu Speech Lunch Presentation University of Pennsylvania November 9, 2006

2. Words with final H Words with final HLa. kàwák ‘chicozapote (fruit tree)’ a. kàwâk‘south’b. mów ‘grasshopper’ b. yôw ‘water’c. nàdám ‘big’ c. nàngân ‘sweet’d. nàšéy ‘man’ d. kôy ‘rabbit’ 2

3. tím šíkè [tàhàwás námbéór kòy] (< kôy)yesterday I see.1sg.pst black rabbit‘Yesterday I saw a black rabbit.’ tím šíkè [tàhàwás námbéór kóy tílám]yesterday I see.1s.pst black rabbit in.river‘Yesterday I saw a black rabbit in the river.’ 3

4. Noyer 1991 • Syllable heads are stress-bearing units and are projected onto line 0. • The final segment of a word is extrametrical. • Line 0 feet are unbounded and right-headed; heads are promoted to line 1. • 1 * 1 * 0 (* *) 0 (*) nambeo<r> ‘black’ šik<e> ‘I’ 4

5. Noyer 1991 d. Inner cycle (NP): Line 1 feet are unbounded, right-headed. Promote heads to line 2. 2 * 1 (* *) 0 (* *) (*) nambeo<r> ko<y> ‘black rabbit’ 5

6. Noyer 1991 • Outer cycle: Equalize stress (add a line 2 asterisk above newly-introduced words). Line 2 feet are unbounded, left-headed. Promote heads to line 3. • 3 * 2 (* *) 1 * (* *) 0 (* * *) (* *) (*) tahawa<s> nambeo<r> ko<y> ‘[I] saw a black rabbit’ 6

7. Noyer 1991 • The line 2 foot is the domain for three tonal rules: • Lexical L Licensing: Underlying lexical L tone is licensed (linked) at the right edge of the line 2 foot. • Phrasal H Insertion: Assign H to the head (leftmost asterisk) of a line 2 foot. (If this syllable already has lexical L, a HL contour tone is produced.) • H Plateau (HTP): H spreads rightward within the line 2 foot. • At the end of the derivation, Default L is assigned to all remaining toneless syllables. 7

8. Noyer 1991 line 3 *line 2 (* *)line 1 * (* *)line 0 (* * *) (* *) (*) tahawa<s> nambeo<r> ko<y> ‘[I] saw a black rabbit’Lexical L: tahawas nambeor kòyPhrasal H: tahawás nambeor kòyHTP: tahawás námbéór kòyDefault L:tàhàwás námbéór kòy 8

9. Noyer 1991 Subjects (when overt) undergo their own outer cycle and remain phonologically separate from the vP: line 3 x xline 2 (x) (x x)line 1 (x) x (x x) line 0 (x x) (x x x) (x x) (x x) nehi<w> tahawu<w> nakant<s> ola<m> ‘they’ ‘saw red sugarcane’ Lexical L: nehìw -- (cf. isolation òlám)Phrasal H: nehîw tahawúw nakants olamHTP: -- tahawúw nákánts ólámDefault L:nèhîw tàhàwúw nákánts ólám nèhîw tàhàwúw nákánts ólám‘They saw red sugarcane.’ 9

10. Generalizations: • Each phrase (tonal domain) has exactly one H pitch peak. • This pitch peak may be realized on a single syllable or spread over several syllables. • There may be a series of L tones at the left edge of a phrase. • There may be at most one L tone at the right edge of a phrase. 10

11. Question: • How are utterances parsed into tonal domains? • Does the subject always remain separate from the vP? If so, why? • What happens when the vP contains more structure (modifiers, double objects, etc.)? 11

12. Data: 325 phrases of various types (SVO, VO, VOS, SV, VS, ditransitives, NPs in isolation, etc…) 5 native San Mateo speakers (4f, 1m, ages 14-45, all bilingual Spanish-Huave) Interviews conducted in July 2004 and July 2006. Most data elicited by providing Spanish phrase and asking for Huave equivalent; usually one repetition was requested. 24 sentences were read. 12

13. Observation 1: The verb groups together with all following objects and modifiers. [nèhîw] [tàhčúw nérráár yów námbéór íchwèàìk]they give.3p.pst hot water black monkey ‘They gave hot water to a black monkey.’ (vvv33) [mìkwàl šèkòmbúl] [àpmúúč ákókíáw čípín óšép áágá nášéy kìàh]son.pos friend.1pos give.3s.fut five tomato tomorrow the man there ‘My friend’s son will give 5 tomatoes to that man tomorrow.’ (avv 31) 13

14. Observation 2: Preverbal subjects and preverbal time/place adverbs form their own phrases. [šíkè] [tàšèhpíùs] I bathe.1s.pst ‘I bathed.’ (zss11-12) [nìngúy] [òlám] [ngò màtâng] here cane not grow‘Sugarcane does not grow here.’ (avv43) 14

15. Observation 3: But postverbal subjects (and adverbs) group together with the verb. [tàšèhpíúsá šíkè] bathe.1s.pst I‘I bathed.’ [nìngíy] [ngò màtáng ólám] here not grow cane‘Sugarcane does not grow here.’ 15

16. Exceptions: Occasionally, vPs are broken down into two domains: [šíkè][sàngànéów cháw pópóš šówúy lángàn] [šíkè][sàngànéówcháw pópóš][šòwùy làngân]pro.1s drink.1s atole foam very sweet‘I drink very sweet foam atole.’ (zss44b) In one case, a subject and a verb grouped together: [nèhíw ákíándùw] pro.3p stick.3p‘ellos se pegan’ (they fight? they stick to each other?)(cg29-29) But mismatched parses like (SV)(AdjO) are so far unattested. 16

17. Possibilities: Postverbal subjects/adverbs are structurallycloserto the verb than preverbal subjects/adverbs. Preverbal subjects/adverbs have moved to a clause-peripheral position (SpecCP). [CPsubject [TP …verb object subject …]] Anything below a predetermined cut-off point (e.g. TP) gets spelled out as a single domain; constituents that have moved above this point are spelled out separately. 17

18. Questions: • What is the syntax of VOS sentences? (subject right-adjoined, VO raised to Spec,TP, etc…) • When are VOS sentences pragmatically felicitous? • Are there differences between preverbal and postverbal subjects wrt. scope, specificity, islandhood? 18