Li6 Phonology and Morphology

1. Li6 Phonology and Morphology Stress systems

2. Today’s claims • Words are organized into feet. • Feet are made up of syllables; syllables are made up of moras. • Stress is assigned to the heads of feet.

3. Evidence for stress being more than a phonetic illusion • stress-based meters (u’s enclosed in square brackets are units of mandatory silence) [u](u)u|úuu|úuu|ú(u)[u] There was an Old Man of the Coast [u](u)u|úuu|úuu|ú(u)[u] Who placidly sat on a post; [u](u)u|úuu|ú(u) But when it was cold, u|úuu|ú(u) He relinquished his hold, u|úuu|úuu|ú(u)[u|u[uu]] And called for some hot buttered toast. • English vowel reduction • Cánada, etc. • Many other stress-based rules

4. Stress as autosegmental • Recall that modern (nonlinear) phonology focuses on the autonomous behavior of individual features, rather than on entire segments. • The study of stress systems played an important role in the development of nonlinear phonology, because stress behaves independently of the segments it surfaces on. • Why do we say that stress behaves independently? • treméndously vs. trémenly • languages with predictable stress • French, Latin…

5. Alternating stress systems • Four types of alternating stress systems: • primary stress on first syllable, secondary stress on alternate following syllables • (''σσ)('σσ)('σσ)('σ) Maranungku • (''σσ)('σσ)('σσ)σ Wankumara • same as (1), but computed RL • (σ'σ)(σ'σ)(σ''σ) Weri • same as (2), but starting from penultimate syllable • ('σσ)('σσ)(''σσ) Warao • mirror image of (3) • (σ''σ)(σ'σ)(σ'σ) Araucanian

6. Feet • How do we account for this typology of stress systems? • By assuming the existence of feet. • Evidence for feet: • ExpletiveInsertion in English • Homeric infixation • English aspiration • poetic meters

7. Foot structure and stress • English Phìladélphia b. Japanese sekuhara ‘sexual harassment’ • PrWd PrWd • F F F F • σσσσσσσσσ • μμμμ • f I l  d E l f i j  s E k  h A R A head of 2nd foot head of 1st foot

8. Moras • one mora is assigned to each onset + nucleus sequence • one mora is assigned to each coda sequence (if the language counts codas for weight) • long vowels are assigned two moras (if the language counts them as heavy) • f u: p u ‘hoop’ b. s u f i N k u s u ‘sphinx’ • μμμμμμμμ JAPANESE

9. Foot construction • Stress assignment parameters • x projection project constituent heads • bracket projection project {L, R} bracket for all {n} elements {L«R} • edge marking place {L, R} bracket to {L, R} of {L, R}- most element • grouping group line 0 marks into {binary, ternary} feet {L«R} • head marking designate the {L, R}-most member of a constituent as its head • What settings for each of these parameters are required to derive the four systems mentioned earlier? • What happens if we don’t group stress-bearing elements into binary constituents?

10. Secondary stress • Impressionistic judgements of secondary stresses are well and good, but what evidence do we have for their phonological existence? • stress clash (Ìllinóis vs. Íllinois Ríver) • vowel reduction (Álabàma)

11. Brackets • How is idiosyncratic stress information (e.g. lexical accent) encoded in lexical entries? • Generally in terms of brackets • prespecification; cf. disharmony • Bracket assignment also used for quantity-sensitive languages • Latin, Mongolian… • Mongolian: stress first long vowel, otherwise initial syllable (parameter settings?)

12. Nganasan (Samoyedic) • stressed vowel is underlined • long vowels are marked with a colon • åu is a diphthong) form gloss ²åÎusÐ be visible düde:dream kuŒbasa bead måulåmå: covered in earth nitå:cauldron sÐt¥m¥mbÐt¥nå I finish ta:nsa lasso xekut¥ hot ²åÀut¥:å visible kita cup kuŒbasa:of a bead muli ornament såmu hat solåtu glass ta:nsanå lassos

13. Odawa Ojibwa bimósé: he walks bizíw lynx kitó:tá:wé:wikámikóm your store nagámó he sings nibímosé:mín we walk nigí:namádáp I sat nigí:namádabímín we sat ninágamómín we sing ninámadáp I sit niníbá I sleep niníbá:mín we sleep niwí:ndigó:winmín we are monsters niwí:ndigó:w I am a monster niwí:pimítak:óná:n I’ll carry it along

14. Bedouin Hijazi Arabic a. maktú:fah tied (fsg) ga:bílna meet us (msg) má:lana our property ?istáslam he surrendered yášrїbin they (f) drink ?ínkisar he got broken ?íntiδar he waited ?íftikar he remembered ?íxtibar he took an exam b. ?inksárat she got broken ?intδáran they (f) waited ?iftkáraw they (m) remembered ?ixtbáraw they (m) took an exam’

15. Fijian • Schütz 1972:14-15 • “Unless words end in a long vowel…the stress is always on the next-to-last syllable…long vowels receive stress, wherever they appear in a word.” orthography pronunciation gloss vinaka vi'naka good, thank you moce 'moδe sleep, goodbye macawa 'mā'δawa week, sky kila ki'lā know Nadroga Nadro'gā a province in the southwest of Viti Levu

16. Tagalog • Schachter 1987:938 • phonemic long vowels are always stressed • final syllable with vowel that is phonetically long as a result of occurring in phrase-final position is stressed if there are no phonemically long vowels • magalí:ŋ ‘excellent’ vs. magaliŋ ná:h ‘it’s excellent now’ • /nah/, not */na:h/; length isn’t phonemic in phrase-final syllables

17. Malay • Prentice 1987:919 • /a e i o u ә/ • stress regularly falls on the penult • bárat ‘west’ • except when that syllable contains ә followed by a single consonant, in which case stress falls on the final syllable • bәrát ‘heavy’ • tәlúr ‘egg’ • with penultimate ә followed by two consonants: • Java—final stress (cәrmín ‘mirror’) • Sumatra—penultimate (’cәrmin) • when suffixes are added: • Java—new penult (kә-pendék-an ‘shortness’) • Sumatra—old penult (kә-péndek-an)

18. Abzakh • Paris 1989:166 • “the regular place of the accent is the last consonant of a lexeme or of an accentual unit; it is realized on the vowel that precedes the consonant, except in monoconsonantal structures”